Drink, Power, and Society in the Andes

7 Tiwanaku Influence on Local Drinking Patternsin Cochabamba, Bolivia

7 Tiwanaku Influence on Local Drinking Patterns in Cochabamba, Bolivia Karen Anderson They all say, bring us chicha from Cochabamba. —Herminia X The Tiwanaku polity, centered at the site of Tiwanaku in the Andean highlands (Fig. 7.1), developed into a state-level society around ad 500 and lasted until about ad 1100. With the rise of the state, a distinctive Tiwanaku style developed that included a new and complex ceramic assemblage. The transition to this new assemblage occurred quickly and spread throughout the heartland of Tiwanaku. One of the most common new forms was a tall, finely made drinking cup, the kero, generally agreed to have been used for drinking fermented beverages such as maize or quinoa beer. The high frequency of keros found in a wide variety of Tiwanaku contexts attests to the popularity and widespread consumption of beers at all social levels. While beer could be made from many grains and fruits (see Goldstein, Coleman Goldstein, and Williams and Hayashida, this volume), the evidence suggests that maize beer (which I call chicha in this chapter) was the beer of choice during Tiwanaku hegemony. Prior to Tiwanaku, maize was found in limited quantities in the southern Lake Titicaca basin. However , with the advent of the state, the distribution of maize increased substantially , especially at Tiwanaku, where it was found in surprisingly high quantities, considering the difficulty of growing it in the high-elevation environment (Wright et al. 2003: 393, 402). Goldstein (2003) argues that the popularity of maize chicha was a driving force in Tiwanaku’s political economy—one that pushed it outward to- Karen Anderson 168 ward lower-elevation maize-growing areas, such as Moquegua and Cochabamba , outside its heartland. He thinks that maize chicha was so significant that he has coined the phrase “chicha economy” to describe the phenomenon . Hastorf and her colleagues (Hastorf et al. 2006) support the idea of an expanding chicha economy. They examined highland maize remains and identified three major maize varieties at Tiwanaku during the Middle Horizon . One is consistent with maize found at Moquegua, another is consistent with varieties found at Cochabamba, and the last is yet to be identified.1 When Tiwanaku colonists arrived in Moquegua, they brought the chicha economy to an area that had no clear preexisting drinking tradition (Goldstein 2003). Goldstein claims the widespread evidence for drinking in Moquegua during the Middle Horizon is due to the spread of Tiwanaku’s “mania for maize beer” (2003: 144), with Tiwanaku drinking vessels and paraphernalia adopted as an important part of the correct way to serve and drink this new beverage. Thus, in Moquegua, the spread of chicha drinking Figure 7.1. The south-central Andes showing Tiwanaku and peripheries. Map by the author. Tiwanaku Influence on Local Drinking Patterns 169 and drinking vessels were introduced simultaneously, and it is impossible to separate the two. Cochabamba is the center of maize and chicha production in modern Bolivia (see Fig. 7.1). The region has long been known to have had significant Tiwanaku influence (Bennett 1936; Byrne de Caballero 1984; Céspedes Paz 2000; Céspedes Paz et al. 1994; Rydén 1959). As in other Tiwanakuinfluenced areas, Cochabamba’s artifacts commonly include Tiwanakustyle drinking vessels. However, Cochabamba is distinct in that drinking fermented beverages was a long-standing local tradition prior to the arrival of Tiwanaku. Thus, in Cochabamba we have a unique opportunity to examine the power and attraction of Tiwanaku drinking paraphernalia and practices independent of the introduction of drinking itself. In this chapter, I examine the social power of the Tiwanaku-style drinking tradition in the Cochabamba setting, I focus in this chapter primarily on drinking vessels, including changes in style, archaeological context, and importance. I find that significant changes occurred in local drinking practices when Cochabamba was integrated into the Tiwanaku political economy. I present new data from extensive excavations at the site of Piñami (Anderson 2006, 2007a; Céspedes Paz 2000), supplemented by data from the site of Quillacollo (Anderson and Céspedes Paz 1998; Céspedes Paz et al. 1994), both long-term habitation mounds in the Central Valley of Cochabamba that were continuously occupied during this pivotal time period. Household and mortuary data from these sites demonstrates that Tiwanaku drinking practices were closely emulated in Cochabamba. Local customs of drinking fermented beverages changed dramatically, and the new practices served to integrate Cochabamba into the Tiwanaku political economy. Tiwanaku...