Notes
N o t e s IntroductIon 1. Barlowe, Discourse of the First Voyage, in David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages , 1584–1590, 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1955), 1:95–6. For Barlowe’s account and the events it described, see Michael Leroy Oberg, The Head in Edward Nugent’s Hand: Roanoke’s Forgotten Indians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 32–33, 38–50; Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony, 2d ed. (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007), 14–15, 68–72; David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584–1606 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 24–40. 2. Barlowe, Discourse, in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1:98. 3. Ibid. Some of Barlowe’s party had firsthand knowledge about Indians. The voyage’s pilot, Simon Fernandes, a Portuguese native of Terceira in the Azores, claimed to have visited the region with a Spanish expedition. John White, who may have been on the 1584 voyage, had visited the Arctic on the second of Martin Frobisher’s voyages, in 1577, and painted portraits of Inuits there and of captives taken back to England. Such captives were an uncommon sight in England, but others among the carefully chosen members of the expedition, many of whom were close associates of Ralegh, could have seen native men and women in England before the voyage. Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 22–24; Oberg, Head in Edward Nugent’s Hand, 31–35; Alden T. Vaughan, “Sir Walter Ralegh’s Indian Interpreters, 1584–1618,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 59 (2002): 341–76; Vaughan, “Powhatans Abroad: Virginia Indians in England,” in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet, eds., Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North AtlanticWorld (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 49–67; Karen Ordahl Kupperman, The Jamestown Project (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2007), 73–108. 4. Barlowe, Discourse, in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1:98. 5. Ibid. Coll Thrush, “Vancouver the Cannibal: Cuisine, Encounter, and the Dilemma of Difference on the Northwest Coast, 1774–1808,” Ethnohistory 58 (2011): 1–35, comes to some of the same conclusions regarding shared meanings in a very different context. 6. Barlowe, Discourse, in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1:98–101. 180 notes to paGes 6–12 7. Ibid., 101, 105. 8. Oberg, Head in Edward Nugent’s Hand, 21–24. 9. Barlowe, Discourse, in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1:108–9; Robert Appelbaum, Aguecheek’s Beef, Belch’s Hiccup, and Other Gastronomic Interjections: Literature, Culture, and Food among the Early Moderns (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 155–200. 10. Barlowe, Discourse, in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1:107–8. 11. Ibid. 12. Andy Wood, Riot, Rebellion and Popular Politics in Early Modern England (New York: Palgrave, 2002), 15–17. 13. Following Appelbaum, Aguecheek’s Beef, 10–11, I avoid the term “foodways,” which connotes a static and closed system of meaning. David Arnold, Famine: Social Crisis and Historical Change (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), 96: “So central have been ideas of the ruler as the ultimate earthly provider that notions of kingly or state legitimacy have often hinged upon this responsibility.” See also Appelbaum, Aguecheek’s Beef, 120. 14. Appelbaum, Aguecheek’s Beef, 300. See also xii–xiii: “Food in the early modern period . . . was not only a biological function, or an economic reality answering to a biological function, but also the object of a discourse. Or, better yet, it was the object of a multitude of discourses.” Making a similar point, Jack Goody has pointed out that in structuralist anthropology “there is a tendency to spirit away the more concrete aspects of human life, even food, sex, and sacrifice, by locating their interpretation only at the ‘deeper’ level, which is largely a matter of privileging the ‘symbolic’ at the expense of the more immediately communicable dimensions of social action.” Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine, and Class: A Study in Comparative Sociology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 25. See also Katherine Knowles, “Appetite and Ambition: The Influence of Hunger in Macbeth,” Early English Studies 2 (2009), http://www.uta.edu/english/ees/ (accessed October 29, 2010); Michael Dietler, “Feasts and Commensal Politics in the Political Economy: Food, Power, and Status in Prehistoric Europe,” in Polly Wiessner and Wulf Schiefenhövel, eds., Food and the Status Quest: An Interdisciplinary Perspective (Providence, R.I.: Berghahn Books, 1996), 87–125, esp. 89. 15. Thomas Tusser, Five hundreth points of good husbandry united to as many of good huswiferie (London, 1587); Keith Wrightson, Earthly Necessities...
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