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Chapter  From City to County: The Rise of the Suburban Power Structure They have a problem out there in the suburbs, and that is that they have no landfill space. So, they’re going to build an incinerator, and  trucks a day will drive through this neighborhood bringing the trash of the county in to be burned amongst us. The people went away and sent us back their rubbish; they sent us back their trash and their sewerage and . . . anything they didn’t want. And then they say to us, ‘‘Well, how come you’re not coming back?’’ Well, I want to say, ‘‘You got your foot on my neck; that’s why I can’t stand up.’’ —Father Michael Doyle,  Minutes: Michael Doyle’s Camden, March ,  Angelo Errichetti’s departure from office coincided with Ronald Reagan’s election as president and with a national assault on domestic welfare programs. The succession of African American mayors who subsequently assumed leadership were largely limited, as Poppy Sharp put it, to ‘‘managing decline.’’1 This was partly because national policy trends sharply curtailed the resources these mayors had to draw on. Even more important in determining Camden’s fate in the aftermath of the city’s industrial decline , however, were state and especially local political structures and the power they assumed. In the post-industrial era, suburbs assumed new responsibilities for managing resources that determined the quality of life of residents in the region. Great as were the hopes African Americans harbored for Camden’s self-determination, then, the shift of resources out of the city made that goal especially difficult to achieve. Traditionally, one way cities had dominated their regional neighbors was by providing services whose operating costs were beyond the budgets of smaller jurisdictions. Many an early suburb consolidated with a central city in order to receive water, sewer, or other central services. Although that  Chapter  pattern practically ceased in the older cities of the Northeast and Middle West by the early twentieth century, it continued in growing areas of the West and throughout much of the rest of the country.2 As noted in Chapter , Camden’s aspirations in the s to bring its suburban neighbors under its jurisdictional control failed. The rising awareness of environmental concerns in the s and s, however, provided new imperatives for regional cooperation, which Camden’s leadership was determined to exploit. Water and air pollution did not respect jurisdictional boundaries, and as federal rules became tougher, both for adequate disposal of waste and for the control of air- and water-borne pollutants, new facilities were called for. Camden proved successful in achieving the right to provide both wastewater and trash treatment facilities. But over time, what had once been seen as a benefit to the city turned to its detriment. These facilities, sought after as the sources of both power and patronage for the city, in the end added to Camden’s environmental degradation even as they fell under suburban control. While suburban politicians reaped financial and political rewards from these maneuvers, Camden’s decline only accelerated. Its leaders acceded to external demands or they were driven from office. Not incidentally , Camden’s residents bore the burden of this reversal of fortunes. * * * No doubt, the environment demanded attention throughout the built-up areas of South Jersey in the s. Stream and river pollution in Camden County was as bad as any in New Jersey. Camden’s existing sewage facility was under orders from the state department of health to upgrade its secondary treatment. According to an assessment in the Courier-Post, costs would increase fivefold without a consolidated regional system. Detailed reports of the effects of sewage dumping practices throughout the county, including vivid descriptions of ‘‘dirty, foul-smelling and generally repulsive conditions’’ in area streams, appeared in the suburban press.3 As both director of public works and City Democratic chairman in Camden in the s, Angelo Errichetti was acutely aware of the importance of public utilities as sources of political power and patronage. As discussions about the need for a regional sewer authority arose, he made clear his intent to assume control. His ambition, however, clashed with that of the equally determined chair of the Camden County Democratic Party, James Joyce. A bare knuckles politician of the old school, Joyce brought his own political muscle to the issue through his position as head of the Strat- [18.191.195.110] Project MUSE (2024-04-19 20...

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