A Decisive Decade: An Insider's View of the Chicago Civil Rights Movement during the 1960s

5. The Movement Marks Time while the University Plays Catch-Up

66 5. The Movement Marks Time while the University Plays Catch-Up Let knowledge grow from more to more, and so be human life enriched. —motto, University of Chicago After the second school boycott in February 1964, the civil rights scene in Chicago quieted down again. Meetings of the CCCO were held infrequently . The first leader of the CCCO, Arthur Brazier, stepped aside and the second line assumed charge. Al Raby moved into the convener’s role. Brazier and Raby could not have been more different. Brazier spoke with authority, with the style of a seasoned preacher. Raby presented the profile of a quiet, behind-the-scenes staffer. A local newspaper described him as “a nervous, thin type man standing 6 feet 1 inch.” Ralph offers a succinct summary of Raby’s qualities: “Raby was neither a dynamic speaker nor a particularly charismatic leader. But Raby was patient, a good listener, and a skilled reconciler—three essential qualities for a CCCO convener.”1 At meetings scheduled sporadically during the spring of 1964, Raby’s leadership style gradually became evident. He chose the role of a discussion leader. At times, I felt he almost bent over backwards to give everyone a chance to speak—he would not call for a decision until there had been ample discussion and opportunity for consensus to emerge—not surprising, I thought, given his experience in the labor movement and his experience as a seventh-grade English teacher in the Chicago public schools. In this respect, Raby and Tim Black shared much in common: they were educators, and they The Movement Marks Time 67 were both committed to using their organizational talents for the benefit of the civil rights movement and the larger causes it pursued. The slow pace after February stemmed not just from new leadership but also from a sense of bewilderment—two massive school boycotts had been held and nothing concrete had happened. The city seemed pretty much the same. Superintendent Willis was still in office. Actually, Superintendent Willis had taken several actions. In May 1964, he announced a plan to change district boundaries, affecting forty schools. And in June 1964, the administration authorized thirty-four more “Willis wagons,” the mobile classrooms. To many observers, these moves only served to illustrate that the superintendent was just as intransigent as ever or, at best, only instituting changes at the margin. This mood of letdown also characterized an educational conference sponsored by the NALC in April of 1964. At the conference, several militant leaders spoke of alternatives to holding more demonstrations. One speaker called upon the audience to join with him in recruiting an army of the unemployed . “By mobilizing the jobless of Chicago, by helping them enroll in government programs, by presenting ourselves in a qualified manner, we can take the fight to another level.” Representatives from CORE told of their plans to operate freedom houses during the upcoming summer months. A few delegates spoke of the need for more direct action, but even they recognized that just as much emphasis should be given to organizing the black community and recruiting individuals to take advantage of new opportunities as to breaking down existing barriers . As I listened to these statements, I wondered why the loss of momentum had occurred so quickly. Only a year before, the focus had been on direct action and demanding equal opportunities for African Americans. Now, just a year later, the emphasis seemed to be shifting—to self-help programs and the mobilization of the residents of the ghetto. Understandably, the lead was passing from the civil rights movement to community groups and government agencies. Many government programs were coming on the scene: training facilities, neighborhood centers for the unemployed, and other initiatives sponsored by the network of state employment offices. Community groups like the YMCA had undertaken special programs, and well-established organizations like the Urban League were working overtime to meet the many requests for assistance. Organizing the unemployed was a good idea. The black community needed to assert leadership for the disadvantaged. But where would such a movement go? What could it do? What would be its focus? Help for the disadvantaged was beginning to come from the government, and an army of unemployed The Movement Marks Time 68 could not pressure government—at least in Chicago. And then how many of the unemployed could be induced to march in the streets? Could the residents...