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INTRODUCTION THERE WASweeping and gnashing of teeth throughout the South in 1954. The Supreme Court had issued the Brown v. Board of Education decision that overturned the concept of "separate but equal" and opened challenges to segregation throughout the region. Angry white southerners banded together in groups such as the Southern Citizens' Councils and Ku Klux Klan, determined to protect segregation by any necessary means. As the anger mounted, novelist William Faulkner warned that the "south is armed for revolt" and observed that all ammunition and weapons had disappeared from store shelves. He told a journalist that "these white people will accept another civil war knowing they're going to lose."1 By early 1956, southern politicians led by Strom Thurmond of South Carolina , Richard Russell of Georgia, and Harry Byrd of Virginia had decided to exploit the conflict for political gain. Throughout the congressional session, they had gathered in Southern Caucus meetings to work on a document, "A Declaration of Constitutional Principles." Ultimately, the group produced what became known as the "Southern Manifesto," a formal declaration against the Brown decision. In many ways, the manifesto was a crucial test of the potential of Byrd's principle of "massive resistance," which would require a unified southern front to have any chance at success. An important challenge to the unified southern front came in March 1956 when Thurmond decided to put Tennessee senator Albert Gore on the spot. He and his allies had alreadylined up the support of every southern senator except Gore, Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, and Lyndon Johnson of Texas. Still, they hoped that Gore would cave in and support the measure, following the example of other southern moderates, including Lister Hill of Alabama and J. William Fulbright ofArkansas. The cagey, confrontational Thurmond planned to ambush Gore on the Senate floor to achieve the most dramatic effect and force Gore to sign. His staff alerted southern journalists that he would present the Tennessean with a copy of the Southern Manifesto on March 10. That day, the reporters gathered in the gallery to watch the confrontation as if they were spectators hi the old Roman Coliseum. They understood the significance of the decision for Gore I and knew that there was potential for fireworks between the two strong-willed men. The reporters leaned over the edge of the observers' gallery as Gore entered the Senate chamber and walked toward his desk. They watched Thurmond stalk him like a lion after prey. At the right moment, the South Carolinian sprung at Gore, holding up a document and bellowing for everyone to hear, "Albert, we'd like you to sign the Southern Manifesto with the rest of us." For a moment, Gore looked at him, stunned perhaps by his audacity and totally unprepared for the public spectacle. After a moment, he regained his composure. Then he looked straight at Thurmond and loudly responded with an emphatic "Hell no!"2 This episode was one of Albert Gore's defining moments as a legislator. He had faced intense pressure from his constituents to oppose the Brown decision and defend segregation. Nevertheless, he had refused to bend under what he later characterized as "a dangerous, deceptive propaganda move which encouraged southerners to defy the government and to disobey its laws."3 He made up his mind and firmly stood his ground. It was neither the first nor the last time that he made an unpopular decision. In manyways, his stand against the Southern Manifesto exemplified the type of legislator that he had become, and which he remained when he took a progressive approach to civil rights, international relations, and economic development that angered many fellow Tennesseans. One observer later commented that he was a man "who has deeply offended, at one time or another, nearly every lobby and special interest on Capitol Hill."4 Gore's maverick nature ensured that he never achieved the national stature and recognition of some of his contemporaries, includingJohn Kennedy, Johnson , or Fulbright. In fact, most people recognize him as the father of former vice president Al Gore, rather than for his own accomplishments. He himself recognized the fact that his son had eclipsed him in the public eye. After retiring to his home in Carthage in the 19905, he would meet people at the familyowned antique store where he sometimes worked. Some would remember the old times, he recalled, but many would also then "ask about my son. Al's name is a household word now. So that makes...

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