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NOTES Introduction 1. The heritage area also includes the Jicarilla Apache reservation. When the Spanish arrived in New Mexico they immediately distinguished “Pueblo” Indians, who lived in settled agricultural communities, from more nomadic groups such as Navajos and Apaches. Spanish colonial activity focused almost exclusively on Pueblo peoples, whom Spaniards considered more civilized. This Eurocentric hierarchy of indigenous economies and cultures endures to this day. Apaches have received much less attention than the Pueblos from tourists and heritage professionals in northern New Mexico. Because of their marginal place in Spanish colonial history and northern New Mexico’s heritage industry, I will say little about Apaches in this book. The same applies to recent Mexican immigrants to northern New Mexico. 2. The fact that the legislative process took four years had more to do with congressional politics, a logjam of heritage area bills, and a general uncertainty about the national heritage area program than with issues relating specifically to New Mexico. 3. Molly Mullin (2001, 97) maintains that “the shift in emphasis, on the part of white activists in [New Mexican] Indian affairs, away from coercive assimilationism and towards a paternalistic version of multiculturalism was promoted by a number of factors, including the influence of early twentieth-century reform movements, the rise of American cultural nationalism, the increasingly popular influence of anthropology, and the expansion of tourism.” 4. For example, in 2009 Larry Whitten, a Texan, bought a motel in Taos (a tourist town famous for its Hispanic and Native American heritage ), prohibited his employees from speaking Spanish in his presence, and required some of them to Anglicize their names. Widespread public out- 252 Notes to pages 5–9 rage in and beyond northern New Mexico revealed little public tolerance for policies many considered racist. 5. Many theorists warn against interpreting the “post” in “postcolonial ” as meaning “after” or “past,” as if independence completely erased colonialism and its effects. Stuart Hall (1996) conceives of postcolonialism as a reconfiguration (not transcendence) of colonial power relations. Likewise, multiculturalism represents a new configuration of power not necessarily opposed to colonialism. 6. For a variety of reasons, the development of the nrgnha has been slow. Limited resources, suspicion toward the federal government, squabbles among board members, and tensions between communities have impeded progress. Coaxing people to attend public meetings and participate in a bureaucratic process that can seem culturally foreign has been difficult. This has been especially true of Native Americans. As sovereign nations, tribes are able to control resources and negotiate with the federal government in a way that Nuevomexicano communities cannot. Since the 1990s, casinos have also provided some tribes with an important new source of income. Indians therefore have less of an incentive to participate in the heritage area. 7. An early example of the politics of recognition in New Mexico is a debate around the turn of the twentieth century over the use of Spanish in public schools. English-only advocates viewed bilingualism as an impediment to full and loyal citizenship. Nuevomexicano state superintendents challenged this belief and argued that students had a right to speak and be taught in Spanish. In 1912 New Mexico became the only officially bilingual state in the union (Nieto-Phillips 2004, 197–205). 8. An important report on the future of the national park system published in 2001 by the National Park System Advisory Board is littered with references to our shared American heritage (a nationalistic mantra and classic nps rhetoric), but the section on living cultures and heritage areas focuses on “indigenous and local people” and “diverse ethnic groups and nationalities” (npsab 2001, 22–23). This is the only section of the report where diversity and difference overshadow a unified national experience. 9. The production of heritage is not always (or even usually) a strategy for securing the recognition of others. It may well be internally oriented. In New Mexico, Indians and Hispanics sometimes express a desire for self-recognition. For instance, when the New Mexico state legislature celebrated Hispanic Culture Day in 2003, Senator Ben Altamirano (2003) noted that until 2002 the legislature had “overlooked the simple act of recognizing” the importance of Hispanic culture in New Mexico, perhaps [52.54.103.76] Project MUSE (2024-03-28 15:10 GMT) Notes to pages 11–26 253 due to its “strength and pervasiveness.” Yet each generation was losing some of the language and traditions, he warned. It was therefore important to “remind ourselves who we...