The Bearer of This Letter: Language Ideologies, Literacy Practices, and the F

5. Bringing the Languages Back: Developing Bilingual Education at Fort Belknap

5. Bringing the Languages Back Developing Bilingual Education at Fort Belknap What do you think of your Indian Culture? Do you think it is something we should put in books, or something we should live as it really is?— Mission Bells, April 14, 1972 Although the Indian New Deal promoted Native cultures and advocated the use of Indigenous languages, especially in the schools, these efforts failed to have a lasting impact on the communities largely because they did not transfer power to the tribes themselves. Without the larger shift to self-determination, tribes continued to be at the whim of federal Indian policy. Bilingual and bicultural programs begun in the 1940s faltered because their success required a substantial investment of time and money, both of which were lacking. Entry into World War II signaled the end of many of Roosevelt’s social programs, as both resources and attention were funneled into the war effort. During the Truman administration, critics of Collier, which included powerful politicians from the West, started to undermine and dismantle the changes begun under Roosevelt.1 During the termination period that followed, much of the progressive practices initiated by Collier were eliminated entirely. 164 bringing the languages back The second half of the twentieth century, however, brought new approaches to language policy and education among Native communities. These policies were informed by the mistakes and misjudgments of the past and were designed not to repeat them. Key legislative actions such as Johnson’s War on Poverty and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 helped to support Native self-determination, especially within the realm of Indian education. These changes were accompanied by a rising voice among dominant U.S. society that called for the expansion of civil liberties and the tolerance of racial and ethnic diversity.2 Through newly developed pan-Indian organizations, tribal members also began to argue for the protection of Native rights, equal treatment among the larger U.S. populace, and a more prominent role in determining federal policy.3 The 1970s in particular saw a rise in political activism among Native groups. Inspired by the civil rights movement and the rise of the political left during the 1960s, Native activists began to call attention to the government’s history of abrogating treaty responsibilities and displaying general malfeasance toward tribes. Public demonstrations , beginning with the occupation of Alcatraz in 1969, and subsequent takeovers of federal sites, including the Bureau of Indian Affairs ofÀce buildings in 1972, brought media attention to the government’s continuing failure to meet the most basic obligations to Native peoples and inspired political reform.4 Protestors also fought to end negative stereotyping of Indigenous people and the denigration of tribal culture—including languages—in popular media forms such as Àlm and television. This political reform was accompanied by a general shift among Native peoples to look to their own cultural heritage rather than Euro-American models for solutions to 165 bringing the languages back contemporary social problems. Mirroring changes within the civil rights movement in the late 1960s, which saw the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (sncc) championing Black Power and moving away from previous discourses that highlighted racial integration, Native activists began looking to speciÀc tribal traditions for symbols of identity that emphasized the distinctiveness of Native experience within the United States.5 The ability to speak an Indigenous language was one of the primary symbols of this resurgence because it was a potent reminder not only of the repressive nature of the state but also of Native resilience to federal policies. During the 1970s and 1980s, Indigenous language instruction became an important part of the cultural landscape at Fort Belknap. Individuals who had left the reservation during the termination period returned to Fort Belknap with a new commitment to revitalizing Assiniboine and Gros Ventre practices, a commitment that was informed by their participation in larger pan-Indian movements. The reemergence of traditional dances and ceremonies and the development of new ones were accompanied by greater pride in speaking the languages. As a result, more emphasis was given to teaching nonspeakers, particularly children, how to speak either Gros Ventre or Nakoda. Capitalizing on the changing political and cultural environment, local educators began to develop bilingual education programs in the reservation schools. As a result of the new curriculum, however, the communities found themselves having to speci Àcally address the issue of Indigenous-language literacy and decide...