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Chapter 11. Expressions of Identity in Tahiti
- University of Nebraska Press
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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 [First Page] [247], (1) Lines: 0 to 39 ——— 0.0pt PgV ——— Normal Page PgEnds: TEX [247], (1) 11. expressions of identity in tahiti Lisa Henry Ann McMullen (ch. 12) discusses the relationship between revitalization and the invention of tradition. She suggests that invented traditions are embedded in Anthony F. C. Wallace’s (1956c) theory of revitalization, in that both ideas “involve conscious, internal efforts to direct culture change” (McMullen [ch. 12]), usually unifying socialization in response to colonial power. Inventions of traditions are essentially “by-products” of the revitalization process, in that they involve organized, conscious reconstructions of culture to develop social and ethnic identities, which then become manipulated for the advancement of contemporary nationalist agendas. This chapter examines the context of revitalization and the politics of culture in the territory of French Polynesia. As mentioned by Jolly and Thomas (1992), the concepts of invented tradition and revitalization have been discussed and analyzed throughout numerous studies in the Pacific literature, though differences in interpretation are reflected in the varying regional experiences with colonialism and decolonialism. What they lack, notes Thomas, is a historical perspective that contextualizes change as part of local, regional, and colonial articulation: “Reifications of tradition have frequently been seen as cultural phenomena that stand essentially on their own. It’s not that historical interactions with other populations, and particularly colonial experiences, are denied or left undiscussed; it is rather that these are not effectively integrated analytically” (1992a:213). This chapter offers such a historical perspective by linking contemporary inventions of Tahitian tradition with the rise and fall of Pouvana’a, the “Father” of Tahitian nationalism. This linkage is crucial to understanding the political nature of Tahitian culture that developed during the 1990s and which has informed nationalist rhetoric concerning identity, independence, and power. Specifically, I 248 henry 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 [248], (2 Lines: 39 ——— 0.0pt P ——— Normal PgEnds: [248], (2 locate health care behavior at the center of this negotiation of identity as a point of articulation at which resistance to rapid social change may be expressed. Early Nationalism as Revitalization Wallace (1956c) discusses two conditions in which revitalization movements occur—increased stress for members of the society and a period of internal cultural distortion. In order to reduce the existing stress, a movement occurs toward “mazeway reformulation,” in which ideological changes occur among certain members of the society, leading to the eventual construction of a more satisfying culture. Although Wallace contends that most revitalization movements are inspired by a supernatural revelation of a prophet or leader, he suggests that some movements may be considerably more political in nature. Resistance to the French presence in the Pacific is not a recent phenomenon in French Polynesia. Pouvana’a a Oopa is known as the “Father ” of nationalism throughout the territory. His effort to lead the Tahitian people to independence in the 1940s and 1950s was remarkably well supported by the populace. Pouvana’a, born on Huahine in a rural Polynesian village, was known for his opposition to France. His halfEuropean descent was evident through his light skin and blue eyes, but his lifestyle and behaviors portrayed his Polynesian values, one of which was a faithful following of the Bible (Newbury 1980). Sent to France in 1914, with scores of other Tahitian youths, to fight for France in World War I, Pouvana’a returned with progressive and worldly ideas for his small island in the South Pacific. His eagerness was supported by other war veterans and intensified with the support of returning soldiers from World War II. This new crop of war veterans remarked bitterly on the injustice they felt upon returning to Tahiti. They felt that their sacrifices for liberty and democracy in Western Europe were not appreciated by the French settlers, who successfully avoided seeing a battle during the war. In addition, like Pouvana’a, they returned from war with progressive ideas about democracy and the knowledge that “democracy” in the colonies was quite different than that in Europe. They saw in Pouvana...