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9 From Revolution to Motherhood: The Case of Women in the Kibbutz, 1910- 1948 --- Sylvie Fogiel-Bijaoui --The kibbutz, as an egalitarian, democratic and lay co-operative , constitutes an exceptional social phenomenon. It is therefore not surprising that it has been the object of interest for several decades now for sociologists. One of the most studied fields within the kibbutz, especially during the past twenty years, has been that of sexual equality (Talmon, 1974; Tiger and Shepher, 1976; Spiro, 1980; Rosner, 1972; Palgi and Rosner, 1983; Blumberg, 1983; BenRafael and Weitman, 1986). It is however surprising to note that sociologists, who differ in their theoretical approaches,' share a number of common assumptions concerning gender equality. They agree that the kibbutz, as early as its foundation in 1910, was structured so as to achieve sexual equality, and with the exception of Blumberg they also stress that with the establishment of the State of Israel, in 1948, the women of the kibbutz had the same rights and duties as men. The purpose of this article is to examine the common argument concerning the initial sexual equality in the Kibbutz. The approach adopted is the feminist materialist one, whose philosophical foundation was laid down by Simone de Beauvoir in The Second Sex (De Beauvoir, 1975). Since then, an abundant sociological literature has developed along these lines (e.g., Eisenstein, 1978; Kuhn and Wolpe, 1978; Sayers, 1982:173- 203. See also the interesting update on Marxism and Feminism in MacKinnon, 1982). We shall examine the basic axiom of sexual equality in the kibbutz during the pioneer era (1910-1948) by studying the integration of women in the production process in parallel with the institutionalization of parental roles. Within the feminist materialist approach maternity will be defined at both a social and an individual level. Referring to Engels (1972), maternity will be seen as a social institution which, while 211 212 Sylvie Fogiel-Bijaoui of biological origin, differs in content according to time and space. Maternity is defined, by those who hold authority within the society , as a function of the organization of production on the one hand and of the requirements of reproduction on the other. At the individual level, though, a woman does not experience her maternity only as a function of the institutionalized definition. She also experiences it as a function of her own existential conditions, of her personality and of her social framework (e.g., Aries, 1973; Shorter, 1977; Badinter, 1986). Gender equality will be defined as a set of rights and duties allowing both sexes equal access to "fundamental social gratifications " as defined by Weber: wealth, power and prestige. The interplay between production and maternity will be analyzed , dividing the period into threeA . The first decade: In the name of equality, or "What do young girls dream of?" (1910-1920). B. The second decade: Maternity or the limits of the revolution. C. The years 1930- 1948: Equality, Maternity and War. These will be followed by a brief concluding discussion. A. The First Decade: in the Name of Equality, or "What Do Young Girls Dream of?" (1910-1920). The first women pioneers (halutzot) who came to Palestine to build a new society, a society of workers according to the Zionist socialist conception, met on their arrival with almost total incomprehension . The farmers in the agricultural villages, the moshavot, refused to employ them, considering them both inefficient as workers and immoral as women, living on their own among men (Habas, 1947; Maimon, 1955:7-12; Shilo, 1981.) In the new communal settlements-small groups of ten to thirty living and working communally-the kvutza, the situation was not much better. The men invited only a small number of women to join the kvutza as "housekeepers" rather than as equal members and workers. The pioneer women, however, were far from resigning themselves to this situation. On numerous occasions they had raised the problem of their scarcely enviable status within the kvutza, which was considered the most revolutionary creation of the Jewish Workers' From Revolution to Motherhood 213 Movement in Palestine. However, they soon realized that it was useless, and that a real change in their status required collective action on their apart. Sociological literature teaches us that collective action is determined first and foremost by two chief elements (Gamson, 1968; Smelser, 1963; Piven and Cloward, 1977): A. Anger and frustration when confronted with a given situation. These were indeed the feelings of the halutzot when facing the lack of understanding and the contempt...

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