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 Conclusion A Question of Values One of the central themes of this study has been a rethinking of the formation and function of Hindu social and religious life, for whatever else can be said about India, it is, first and foremost, a land of multiple value systems. Collectively , these systems organize every aspect of life in a series of categories and levels , usually in the form of a set of continuums that stretch from their centers to their peripheries. Hindus have traditionally negotiated their places on these continuums through the rituals and practices they perform or do not perform, or through their associations with various religious teachers or movements. As discussed earlier, the orthodox value system of a society is the value system of the religious and the political elite, and as a result, it has been the focus of most scholarly study. The orthodox system generally dominates the attention of anyone viewing a particular society, especially in its urban domains, for this system often sets the agenda for social, religious, and even scholarly dialogue. It is held up by the elite to represent the people’s values. While it is important as a point of departure in understanding a society or a culture, it is typically not the system of the populace, or of the individual. Instead, it is the visible veneer that not only functions to give a sense of unity but often is used to obscure the levels and diversity lying beneath. Paul M. Harrison, in discussing the difficulties in attempting to use a narrow viewpoint to understand a whole tradition, observes “The study of noses, however hotly pursued, will never yield an accurate understanding of the entire face.”1 Thus, even though the orthodox value system does not comprise the core set of personal values for most Hindus, it clearly sets the agenda for much of what occurs in India. In relating to the prevalent orthodox system, the low- caste religious groups prevalent in Chhattisgarh have used differing approaches. The Kabirpanthis , for example, have adopted the sanskritization of their religious beliefs and practices as their chosen path. With the sect’s center in Varanasi, considered one of the holiest of cities to Hindus, the panth finds security in considering and presenting itself as another nirgun Vaishnav sect. In the process, it has adopted Ramdas Lamb: Rapt in the Name page 175 175 many ritual elements that had been flatly rejected by Kabir himself. The Kabirpanthi’s outer trappings even include a tulsi kanthi—standard necklace for all Vaishnavs—and Vaishnav-style tilak, outer signs generally believed to denote both caste-Hindu status and religious purity. The panth actively solicits caste Hindus to bring into its fold, and in presenting itself, it emphasizes its caste-Hindu component as a form of religious and social certification. At the same time, many of the satnami members of the Dharamdas sakha in Chhattisgarh now claim rajput (kshatriya) status. Some satnamis in the sect have begun to list “Kabirha” as their caste name, as they seek to distance themselves, not only from both the Satnamis and the Ramnamis, but from satnami caste identity as well. As has traditionally been the case with many other Vaishnav groups, the Kabirpanthis have typically restrained themselves from active political involvement. The Satnamis, on the other hand, have found in the political sphere a variety of tools they hope will aid them in accomplishing their goals of social and religious acceptance. Starting with their support for the Quit India movement in the early part of this century, they have aspired to use their close association with the Congress Party to elevate their status. As a part of this process, the sect had the name of their caste changed. They have de-emphasized their sectarian religious elements, and with the exception of their sadhu wing, wear no special dress and try to look as “generic” Hindu as possible. Some of the wealthier Satnamis have even built Ram and Krishna temples where the deities and rituals performed mirror those in caste Hindu temples in the region. Some have even hired brahmans as temple priests. Increasingly, in recent years, sect heads are beginning to deny the status of Satnamis as members of a separate sect at all, declaring instead that they are simply Vaishnav Hindus of the satnami caste. Nowadays , when Satnamis must list their religion on any government records, the majority simply put “Hindu.” There is division within the sect as to where in the caste...

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