Notes
PREFACE 1. I have limited the scope of the domestic end of this project to England, both because of its importance in metropolitan representation and because the trajectory of Scottish and Irish sanitary projects differed in their administrative and representational development, and a detailed study of the comparisons are beyond the scope of a single study. In dealing with imperial representations of a disease perceived to be “colonial” in nature, it is essential, however, to always maintain awareness of the mutually constitutive roles of “center” and “periphery”; it is to this end that the study juxtaposes representations in London and in India. CHAPTER 1. MAPPING AND SOCIAL SPACE IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND 1. As Thomas Richards has discussed at length in The Imperial Archive. 2. Physical space in the nineteenth century has been understood largely in Euclidean terms and is therefore susceptible of measurement seeking to homogenize it. 3. I am following here the tradition of Anglo-American urbanists in my distinction between the terms “place” and “space.” Translations of de Certeau have used these terms in an inverse relation to this tradition, which has created a certain amount of confusion. Given the way we use these terms in English, it seems to make more sense to use them in the way detailed above. 4. Interestingly, Golledge notes, cognitive uses of such remembered or internalized formal maps seem to be no more accurate spatially than more directly experiental organizations of space. 5. Massey observes that the identities of places are inevitably unfixed . . . in part because the social relations out of which they are constructed are themselves by their very nature dynamic and changing . . . [and] the past was not more static than the 205 N O T E S present. Places cannot ‘really’ be characterized by the recourse to some essential , internalized moment . . . [seeking] the identity of a place by laying claim to some particular moment/location in time-space when the definition of the area and the social relations dominant within it were to the advantage of that particular claimant group. (169) Massey notes that this is typical of nationalistic spatial claims. 6. Map companies routinely sold embroidery patterns, where the maps were printed on fabric; in the 1790s, Bowles and Carvers offered twenty such patterns ranging from the Northern Hemisphere to “Twenty Miles Round Oxford” (Tyner 6). Cartographic production was unprecedented and quite large in this period, both independently and as a result of the ordinance survey’s activities. 7. Thrower notes that a fifty-sheet hand atlas, published in 1817–22, and inexpensive wall maps made cartographic representations “available to large numbers of students and the general public. The use of globes, maps and atlases also became important school subjects for both girls and boys at this time” (Maps and Civilization 125). Obviously, the general public here is at least middle class. Still, this is a significant change in the public conception of the world. At the lower end of the market, between 1830 and 1843, the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge (SDUK) was publishing a series of maps of principal cities of the world for their audience (Thrower, Maps and Civilization 140). SDUK publications were usually aimed at literate but not highly educated artisans with an interest in self-improvement, in other words, the relatively comfortable working class. 8. By 1853, for example, the National Society for Promoting Education of the Poor produced several publications such as the twenty-eight-page Geography of Asia with a Map in 16o size. This pamphlet and others like it included many facts and a useful foldout map for 1s 6d per dozen. The text assumes familiarity with maps and ready access to maps and globes on the part of its audience, though it doesn’t presuppose very sophisticated map use. For example, it carefully explains scale so that readers looking at a similar map of Britain or Europe will understand the difference in size between areas represented on similar sized paper. Travel guides, such as Chez Baily Frere’s pocket-sized Londres et Ses Environs (1862), a volume comprised of six “rambles through London” originally printed in the Cornhill, contained a foldout map of London with itineraries picked out in a single color, for a shilling. There were several English editions, and it was translated into a number of foreign languages. By the late 1860s, inexpensive schoolbooks for children were rife with maps. Miss Corner’s The History of England from the Earliest Period to the Present Time...
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