Electoral Politics Is Not Enough: Racial and Ethnic Minorities and Urban Politics

Notes

151 Notes NOTES TO PREFACE 1. Rufus P. Browning, Dale R. Marshall, and David H. Tabb, Protest Is Not Enough: The Struggle of Blacks and Hispanics for Equality in Urban Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984) 2. See James W. Button, Blacks and Social Change: Impact of the Civil Rights Movement in Southern Communities (Princeton University Press, 1989). NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE 1. V. O. Key, Southern Politics (New York: Knopf, 1949). 2. Historical minorities refer to traditionally excluded groups in general, and racial and ethnic minorities in particular, whereas an electoral minority constitutes less than 50 percent of the voting age population. This book focuses upon African Americans and Latinos as historically excluded groups, but in some of the cities under investigation racial and ethnic minorities constitute the numerical majority. 3. Conventional channels and resources refer to activities related directly to electoral politics. It includes elected officials, political party competition, and elections. Churches, neighborhood groups, and social service agencies are unconventional or extra-electoral channels and resources because they are not guided by elected officials or party leaders, their mission is to improve the lives of their congregation or communities , and they do not commence their actions in the political arena. By contrast, conventional channels explicitly involve political parties, elected officials, or some other overtly political actor at all stages. 4. For example, see Mack H. Jones, “Black Officeholding and Political Development in the Rural South,” Review of Black Political Economy 6 (1976): 75–407; Albert K. Karnig and Susan Welch, Black Representation and Urban Policy (University of Chicago Press, 1980); Peter K. Eisinger, “Black Employment in Municipal Jobs: The Impact of Black Political Power,” American Political Science Review 76 (1982): 380–392; Linda Williams, “Black Political Progress in the 1980s: The Electoral Arena,” in Michael B. Preston, Lenneal J. Henderson, Jr., and Paul Puryear, eds., The New Black Politics: The Search for Political Power, 2nd ed. (New York: Longman, 1987); Karen M. Kaufmann, The Urban Voter: Group Conflict & Mayoral Voting Behavior in American Cities (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004). 5. Browning, Marshall, and Tabb, Protest Is Not Enough. 6. See Button, Blacks and Social Change. 7. For works that emphasize the effect of minority office-holding on the representation of African Americans and Latinos, see Karnig and Welch, Black Representation and Urban Policy; Eisinger, “Black Employment in Municipal Jobs.” 8. For example, see Leonard Cole, “Electing Blacks to Municipal Office: Structural and Social Determinants,” Urban Affairs Quarterly 10, no. 1 (1976): 17–39; Susan Welch and John R. Hibbing, “Hispanic Representation in the U.S. Congress,” Social Science Quarterly 65, no. 2 (1984): 328–335. 9. See Carol M. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests: The Representation of African Americans in Congress (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993); David Lublin, The Paradox of Representation: Racial Gerrymandering and Minority Interests in Congress (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997). 10. See Key, Southern Politics; V. O. Key, American State Politics: An Introduction (New York: Knopf, 1956); Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1961); Manfred G. Schmidt, “Social Policy in Rich and Poor Countries : Socio-Economic Trends and Political-Institutional Determinants,” European Journal of Political Research 17 (1989): 641–59. 11. Key, Southern Politics. 12. See footnote 2 about the differences between historical and electoral minorities. 13. For example, see Everett C. Ladd, “Liberalism Upside Down: The Inversion of the New Deal Order,” Political Science Quarterly 91, no. 4 (1977): 577–600; Edward G. Carmines and James A. Stimson, Issue Evolution: Race and the Transformation of American Politics (Princeton University Press, 1989); Thomas Byrne Edsall with Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: W.W. Norton, 1991). 14. See Thomas Dye, Politics, Economics, and the Public (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1966); Thomas Dye, “Party Politics in the States,” The Journal of Politics 46 (1984): 1097–1116. 15. Barbara Ferman, Challenging the Growth Machine: Neighborhood Politics in Chicago and Pittsburgh (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996). 16. For example, see Robert Halpern, Rebuilding the Inner City: A History of Neighborhood Initiatives to Address Poverty in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995); Robert Fisher, Let the People Decide: Neighborhood Organizing in America, second edition (Boston: Twayne, 1997). 17. For example, see John Clayton Thomas, Between Citizen and City: Neighborhood Organizations and Urban Politics in Cincinnati (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1986); Ross Gittell and Margaret Wilder, “Community Development Corpo152 Notes to Chapter One [18...