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137 Chapter 7 How and Why Did Mount Emei Become a “Famous Buddhist Mountain”? As for the worshippers from the ten directions, no matter clergy or laity, from far or near, . . . some will see the white elephant traversing the sky, and Samantabhadra lowering his hand to touch their head. Straight away they will then swim across the Ocean of Vows and cross to the Other Shore, where they will dwell in a wonderful and fantastic land.1 —Fu Guangzhai (jinshi 1577) Background and Beginnings Based on the sources we considered in the previous chapter, especially information preserved in the Fozu tongji, it is certain that Mount Emei received substantial amounts of imperial patronage in the late tenth century. The most important result of this support was that the mountain became described almost exclusively in Buddhist terms by writers in the early decades of the Northern Song. This new definition of the mountain’s religious space was manifested primarily by the presence of a community of monks who occupied several temples, chief among which was the White Stream Monastery. Another important consequence of imperial patronage was that by the late tenth century the mountain was already sanctified, by imperial authority, as the national cult center of Samantabhadra. Later, Putuo joined Emei and Wutai to form the “Three Major [Buddhist] Manifestation Sites” (Sanda daochang) in China.2 In this chapter, drawing on much of the material we have already considered, I will identify, describe, and explain just how and why this process took place. Before our discussion begins, four key points need to be emphasized. First, Emei shan would never have become a major Buddhist center without imperial patronage and support. As we have seen, the first two Song 138 Stairway to Heaven: A Journey to the Summit of Mount Emei emperors, Taizu and Taizong, played pivotal roles in this process. Although it seems likely that personal religious interest may have inspired the two monarchs to support Buddhist activities during their reigns, especially temple building, at the same time we must keep in mind that another important motivation for Northern Song imperial support of “Buddhist mountains” (that is, Wutai and Emei, and later Putuo) was political. These mountains, as we saw in chapter 6, were expected to perform functions for the state, for which they in turn received patronage. It was a mutually beneficial arrangement which, during the Song, seems to have worked quite well. The main reason this symbiotic relationship succeeded is because the Song monarchy was able to maintain control over the church. Of course, the promulgation of edicts and laws from Kaifeng was just one means of containing the spread and influence of Buddhism. Another key method of control was the creation, maintenance, and supervision of the “Three Major Manifestation Sites,” each located in a different part of the empire (more on this below). A second point to keep in mind is this: China’s so-called sacred mountains or Buddhist mountains do not exist naturally. They are created by political and religious leaders through a process that sanctifies and reconfigures a particular mountain’s place and space. This reordering of landscape is undertaken in order to serve the special needs and values of different groups of people and institutions. In the case of Mount Emei, no single individual was responsible for accomplishing the reordering process. Rather, it was a collective effort made by the local Buddhist community on Emei and its government and lay supporters. Moreover, the redefinition of the mountain’s religious space took place slowly, over the course of several centuries, beginning in the early Northern Song and culminating in the late Ming, when Emei’s development as a “Buddhist mountain” reached its height. Third, the one challenge that most concerned individuals and institutions who sought to “make” Emei a “Buddhist mountain” was legitimacy. In other words, ways had to be found or created to explain and thereby legitimize the mountain’s Buddhist religious identity. Of course, acts of imperial patronage, by their very nature, confer legitimacy. I would argue, however, that the legitimization process requires additional support mechanisms . If Emei’s Buddhist community was to recruit new monks, attract significant numbers of pilgrims and visitors, and entice generous support from patrons—all necessary to sustain a flourishing religious community, it was essential to prove, in convincing fashion, that the mountain’s Buddhist “credentials” were genuine. The methods employed to produce these credentials are discussed below. [18.117...

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