David Dinkins and New York City Politics: Race, Images, and the Media

1. INTRODUCTION

C H A P T E R O N E INTRODUCTION I ncreasingly, city politics revolves around mayor-centered coalitions . Within these coalitions, it is the mayor who commands the media attention, serves as the principal communication intermediary with a whole host of groups and individuals , and acts as a lighting rod for public dissatisfaction. As a high-profile spokesperson, New York City’s mayor’s responsibilities make possible opportunities for pubic success and failure. This book examines how David Dinkins, the first African American mayor of New York City (1990–1994), used this opportunity in hopes of problem solving, maintaining his electoral coalition of blacks, Latinos, and liberal whites; and satisfying the media’s appetite for news. Each member of Dinkins’ electoral coalition had different expectations of him. Not only would maintaining the loyalty of his supporters require nimble political skills, but also Dinkins had to ingratiate himself to the permanent governing elite who ran the city. The latter required being able to project a stylish image of the city. Considered a clubhouse politician, David Dinkins posed an image challenge for the business leaders who cherished New York’s reputation as the center of urbane America. Concerned that Dinkins’ highly localized political biography —as state legislator, city clerk, and Manhattan borough president—could hurt the city’s image as a magnet for the transnational elite, media sought to inflate the attractive aspects of his personality. In order to make Dinkins look suave, reporters were assigned to write attention-getting stories about the new mayor. It is axiomatic that no mayor-centered coalition can function effectively and efficiently with a mayor with a less-thanattractive image. Mayors with negative images can distract from 2 DAVID DINKINS AND NEW YORK CITY POLITICS the overall image of the city. As the most visible member of the governing coalition, a mayor’s reputation is essential to the success of the city’s governing process. Accordingly, the entire governing coalition, particularly the business sector, endeavors to support a positive image for an incoming mayor. At first glance, David Dinkins seemed to be a perfect case study for media analysis. Carefully trained and nurtured as consummate insider before he assumed office, Dinkins was cast as a deracialized leader and a transracial politician. A Harlem politician who was well liked among his peers and among reporters, he moved easily along the corridors of the city politics. Furthermore, he had done favors for several important politicians and activists. In effect, local politicians owed him. The mantra of New York City politicians is, if an officeholder helps them, they will reciprocate. A closer examination of city politics revealed that several local politicians felt a reciprocal obligation to Dinkins. Many reporters , however, did not share this feeling of obligation. Since most of the reporters and readers were white, there was a strong tendency to treat a black mayor in a race-declarative manner. Often this race recognition relied on stereotypes that disparaged David Dinkins and flattered the reporter’s white audience. This holds for most black politicians as they are rarely on an even playing field with reporters. Reporters have the advantage of being merchants of meaning and can adjust the product to suit the customer —the public. Every time Dinkins spoke publicly, to use a baseball analogy, he either hit a home run or struck out. There was little middle ground. Once the words were out of his mouth, the media was free to add their own meaning. Political Life in a Media Age We are told that we live in a media age. Blumler and Kavanaugh claim that we are now living in the third era of political communication .1 The first was the pretelevision age when political parties and interest groups delivered the political messages. The second era was triggered by the rise of the mass media along with press strategists, pollsters, and performance coaches. The latter were increasingly employed by politicians and others with political Introduction 3 messages to be delivered. Although not household names, political consultants such as David Garth and John Martilla became important players in local municipal elections. The third era is marked by the rise of market research and the advent of new opinion-assessment technologies (such as focus groups and audience feedback). The selling of candidates and policies borrows much from the commercial world. This era, characterized by a proliferation of electronic channels...