Women and Political Representation in Canada

Chapter 6: Affirmative Action and Women's Representation in the Ontario New Democratic Party

6 Affirmative Action and Women's Representation in the Ontario New Democratic Party1 JOCELYNE FRAUD, University of Toronto Introduction During the 1970s, social democratic parties began to give more recognition to their female activists and issues of concern to them. For instance, they incorporated feminist claims into their programmes and sanctioned the replacement of older female auxiliaries with feminist women's committees. They also took steps to increase women's representation in their internal governing bodies and as candidates. More specifically, they provided information and training workshops, financial assistance, and child care arrangements to aspiring female party officials and candidates. Some parties even reserved a certain percentage of positions in party executivesfor women. In the 1970s, the Parti socialiste frangais (PSF) and the Norwegian LabourParty (NLP) set aside respectively 10% and 40% of party positions for women. At present, many social democratic parties have female quotas for party positions and candidacies. After documenting women's politicalbehaviour, the dearth of female elites in politics, and the obstacles faced by aspiring female politicians (see Brodie 1977, 1985; Vickers 1978; Bashevkin 1993 [1985a], 40-64), studies of women in politics are now beginning to investigate the initiatives launched by parties to increase the number of female party officials and candidates. To date, the female quotas of the GermanSocial Democratic Party, PSF, and NLP have been examined (Kolinsky 1991; Appleton and Mazur 1992, 1993; Fraud 1993). Existing and future analyses of quotas will no doubt contribute to the women in politics literature and the politicalparty literature. Findings about the impactof quota-style measures on female representation will help expand the women in politics literature. Furthermore, conclusions about the 172 WOMEN AND POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN CANADA circumstances surrounding the introduction and official adoption of quotas will likely provide insights about internal party reform. This piece does not examine the introduction and adoption of the Ontario New DemocraticParty's (ONDP) so-called "affirmative action resolution/' but rather the impact it has had on women's numerical representation in the internal party organization.2 This resolution, which was officially adopted at the 1982 convention, urged riding executives and required provincial council delegations, the provincial executive, and party committees to include at least 50%women (ONDP,February 5-7, 1982, 93-94).3 Later on, the ONDP passed statutory provisions requiring the provincial council and executive to have not only an equal proportion of men and women, but also representatives from the ethnic and the gay and lesbian communities. In an effort to increase the proportion of ONDP candidates from traditionally underrepresented groups, namely, women, visible minorities, the disabled, and aboriginals, the party adopted affirmative action guidelines for nomination and candidacy in December 1989. These guidelines provided that "50% of all ridings should have women candidates"; 60% of candidates running in winnable ridings should be women; and 75% of winnable ridings should have candidates from affirmative action target groups (ONDP, December 1989, "Affirmative Action Guidelines "). In April 1994, the provincial council added gays, lesbians, and francophones to its list of affirmative action target groups (ONDP,April 1994). Even though this study focusses on the impact of the 1982 gender parity requirements on women's share of local and provincial party positions, it is important to bear in mind that the ONDP subsequently took steps to include men and women from diverse backgrounds and experiences in its provincial organs and the larger political arena. Since the first goal of affirmative action is to increase the number of persons from underrepresented groups in positions ofpower, the study will only consider the numerical (as opposed to substantive) representational gains ONDP women have made since 1982 when assessing the impact of affirmative action.4 In other words, the assessment of affirmative action will be based solely on statistics regarding the proportion of women in local and provincial party positions. Toevaluatethe substantive gains made by women, one would have to closely examine the party's programmes, policy statements, and resolutions from the past 20years (further on, Linda Trimbleexamines this question under the auspice of a substantive representation that integrates the criterion of diversity among women). Although this would be a worthwhile endeavour, it isbeyond the scope of the present study. Overall, the ONDP 1982 affirmative action requirements can be identified as a success, albeit a partial one, since for the past 10 years 50% of provincial executive members and around 35% of top riding officials and provincial council delegates have been...