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63 Chapter 4 How the Senator’s Gender Influences the Content of Press Releases On March 8, 2012, Senator Kirsten Gillibrand (D-­ NY) posted a press release on her official website titled, “Gillibrand, Senate Democratic Women Call on Boehner to Abandon Pledge to Continue Contraception Fight.” The press release begins, “Senators to Boehner on International Women’s Day: ‘Women are tired of being targets for a political strategy that endangers their health care and they want it to stop.’” The body of the press release explains, “Today, U.S. Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, along with eleven Democratic women Senators, sent a letter to House Speaker John Boehner calling on him to rescind his pledge to push forward with efforts to restrict women’s access to contraception after the Blunt amendment was defeated in the Senate.”1 On the same day, Senator Gillibrand’s colleague from New York, Democrat Charles Schumer, posted a press release with the headline, “Schumer Announces Village of Castorland To Receive $750,000 in Federal Funding—­ Investment Will Fund Improvements in Village’s Sewer System.” The press release explains funding will be used to update the village’s sewer collection system and build a sewer treatment system for residents and businesses.2 Schumer explains in the press release, “Efficiently supporting our rural communities with funding for clean water and sewer repairs is pivotal for our community and our economy.” The contrast in the messages is intriguing. Two Democratic senators from New York posted dramatically different messages for the news media on their websites. Are these two press releases illustrative of systematic differences in how men and women senators communicate with the press? We think so. In this chapter, we demonstrate how press releases distributed by male and female senators simultaneously stress their stereotypical strengths along pol- 64the changing face of representation icy dimensions, while revising potentially damaging views of the traits associated with typical male and female senators. To be sure, we expect the strategic stereotype theory to explain the content of press releases as well as it explained the content on the senators’ web pages. Press releases are an important and critical medium employed by U.S. senators to communicate with the members of the press, and ultimately with citizens. Similar to the content and links on senators’ websites, press releases are controlled communications projecting specific messages senators wish to communicate to the press. The press releases are nearly unrestricted in terms of length and topic. Press releases are convenient; they are easily presented and readily archived on websites. They can be posted in real time and messages can be adjusted quickly, effortlessly, and endlessly. Not surprisingly, all senators display their news releases on their websites. Even though web pages and press releases are both controlled communications , they perform unique functions. Web pages are a means of introducing senators to constituents across a range of topics. In contrast, press releases are used by senators to advertise specific representational messages. Senators want to focus reporters, editors, and citizens on messages about specific issue agendas or positions on particular issues (e.g., Senator Gillibrand ’s position on women’s health issues), on messages highlighting projects they are bringing to the state (e.g., Senator Schumer’s sewer project), and on messages aimed at building confidence and trust with constituents. Press releases posted on websites are convenient for reporters and editors. Local media outlets are chronically pressed for resources. Many local news organizations do not have a reporter dedicated to covering legislative politics . Instead, news outlets often rely on wire services to follow news about the local representatives (e.g., Arnold 2004; Cook 1989; Schaffner 2006). And it is not uncommon for local newspapers to simply reprint politicians’ press releases in the news (e.g., Grimmer 2010; Vinson 2003). Grimmer (2010, 5–­ 8) examined the press releases of ten senate offices in 2007 and found that, on average, approximately one out of every six press releases was “quoted, paraphrased, or plagiarized” in local newspapers. Two of the senators had over one-­ quarter of their press releases appear in local press stories (Grimmer 2010, 8). The faithful replication of the senators’ messages in the local paper is the goal of every senator’s office and every press secretary. Although senators yearn for press coverage, it is often difficult to isolate the specific impact that news coverage has on constituents’ evaluations of legislators. However, there is mounting evidence that politicians who adver- [18.222.125.171] Project MUSE (2024-04-25...

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