Muslim Women in Postcolonial Kenya: Leadership, Representation, and Social Change

Conclusion

In this book I offer an examination of the significant ways Kenya Muslim women sociopolitical leaders such as the ones discussed here have been using the space opened up by the s democratization to bring about transformative changes in critical domains of society while also reclaiming their citizenship rights within their communities of faith and the secular postcolonial nation-state as members of a minority constituency. I explore the tools, strategies, and resources that these agents of social and political transformation use in their activism to inscribe Muslim women’s rights issues in local, national, and international agendas and make their contributions to democratic processes in local, national, and international arenas through women-centered frameworks sensitive to gender ideologies within society from both religious and secular perspectives. In addition, in each chapter, I show how the Kenya Muslim women leaders discussed here critically read the forces against them within society and how they are depicted in hegemonic discourses. Their readings are critical to their construction of alternative visions of a just society and a multicultural, multiethnic, and multireligious democratic citizenship. The gains in community and state investment in granting access to secular education and literacy are clearly reflected in the ways in which some Muslim women beneficiaries are making use of the knowledge and skills acquired to effect transformative social and political changes in their communities and the nation.They have become strong advocates of investing resources to promote education in Muslim communities and literacy in critical domains such as public health as a means of combating diseases such as the HIV/AIDS pandemic and other sexually transmitted diseases.They are also  Conclusion involved in raising awareness about FGC, providing civic literacy, raising Muslims’awareness of Muslim women’s rights and responsibilities, and promoting Muslim women’s active participation in public, local, and national affairs. Although they struggle to offset the negative impact of hegemonic and patriarchal educational policies that continue to disadvantage girls and women in Muslim society, they adopt a gendered approach to education and literacy in order to prevent the production of a gender discordance in society that may have negative consequences. As Ummi Naomi Shaban points out,“Educated Muslim women need educated Muslim men.There are more problems in society when you are dealing with less educated men. We need to educate both girls and boys in society about gender-based oppressive structures .We fight for Muslim girls to be educated,but we don’t neglect the Muslim boys because these days they too are at risk.”Muslim women’s leadership roles in tackling patriarchal gender-based issues affecting girls and women in society are now recognized by Muslim male religious leaders. Muslim women leaders have been skillful in mobilizing the support of the Muslim male clergy, which in many instances they consider important to the success of their projects. In spite of the progress achieved in transforming the views of some Muslim clergy about the public leadership of Muslim women, however, it is clear that many are willing to accept this gendered development only within certain limits.For example,Sheikh Mohammed Dor, secretary general of the Council of Imams and Preachers of Kenya and a nominated MP of the ODM, is reported to have said,“When in Parliament it is easy for Muslim women to consider matters of fistula, early marriages, maternity leave, and menstrual cycles among others. Such matters cannot occur in our minds” (Mudi ). Coming from a legislator, this statement is shocking in its implications. For it reveals not only the extent of almost chronic insensitivity or ignorance of male Muslim clergy to matters affecting women but also the view that in the secular public arena Muslim women can provide leadership only on women-related issues.This is the kind of perspective that, until recently, restricted the appointment of women to cabinet positions related only to women/gender/youth and the like. It is not surprising , therefore, that Dor is one of the male Muslim leaders along with Sheikh Hammad Mohamed Kassim (Mazrui) and Sheikh Hasan Sugow who have openly opposed women serving as kadhis in Kenya (“Muslim Clerics Oppose” ). Like rape, obstetric fistula is another example of how girls are victims of male violation of women’s sexuality and reproductive health.Obstetric fistula  Conclusion essentially affects girls who are forced into arranged marriage at a premature reproductive age, a phenomenon very common in many African societies, including Kenya. Yet Dor’s remarks...