Science and the University

9. The Changing Composition of U.S.-Citizen Ph.D.s

I American research universities are admired at home and abroad. As Grant Black and Paula Stephan (chapter  herein) indicate, doctoral programs at U.S. universities increasingly attract students from other countries, especially in science fields. As a consequence, the share of doctorates at U.S. universities awarded to U.S. citizens has fallen substantially over the previous four decades. In this chapter, we describe changes in the composition of U.S.-citizen doctorate recipients from the early s to . We examine composition in terms of fields of doctoral study, type of undergraduate institution, gender, and race and ethnicity. Doctorate recipients represent the primary source of new talent in many occupations and professions. Doctorates in science and engineering are of particular interest to researchers and federal policymakers because the size and quality of the nation’s scientific workforce are perceived to affect the pace of innovation and economic growth. Of particular interest for science and technology policy is how the number and composition of new Ph.D.s responds to the wages of scientists and engineers. The flow of new doctorates is also relevant for our nation’s colleges and universities in several ways. First, these institutions train future Ph.D. recipients at the undergraduate level. Describing the undergraduate origins of doctorate recipients illustrates the role of different types of institutions in preparing and inspiring their students to enter Ph.D. programs. Second, the demographic composition of new Ph.D. recipients reflects in part the ability of graduate programs to attract increasing numbers of women and racial minorities. Third, since colleges and universities themselves employ   The Changing Composition of U.S.-Citizen Ph.D.s  .    .  a large share of new Ph.D. recipients as professors, the composition of doctorates is relevant for understanding the composition and structure of academic labor markets. The next section of this chapter describes overall graduate education trends among U.S. citizens, including the number of doctorates and the proportion of those with bachelor’s degrees going on to earn Ph.D.s. The chapter then turns to changes in composition along various dimensions: field of study, type of undergraduate institution, gender, and race and ethnicity. Throughout the chapter, we pay particular attention to trends within science fields. Since we cover considerable ground, our approach is primarily descriptive . However, we also point toward potential explanations for some of the trends. While we are not the first to discuss the backgrounds of doctorate recipients, we do present a rather complete picture of changes along many dimensions of doctoral flows to U.S. citizens over the past forty years.1 D  O T  U.S. C Data on Doctorate Recipients Our data on the number and characteristics of individuals receiving doctorates are based on the Survey of Earned Doctorates, the data set used by Black and Stephan in their chapter and by Freeman, Jin, and Shen in theirs. The survey, conducted since , is an ongoing census of all individuals earning research doctorates at U.S. universities.2 The surveys are completed by doctorate recipients once they have satisfied the requirements for their degrees. The survey collects information on demographics, including gender, citizenship, ethnicity, and racial group; education history, including field of degrees; sources of graduate student support; employment status during the year preceding receipt of the doctorate; postgraduation plans; and parents’ education. Since almost all doctorate recipients complete and return the survey, it is the most reliable source of national data on doctorate recipients.3 Here we examine trends in doctorate recipients since .4 Trends by Citizenship As a context for analyzing trends among U.S. citizens, we first present trends in the total number of doctorates conferred, including those awarded to U.S. citizens and non–U.S. citizens. The total number of Ph.D.s conferred by U.S. universities has increased substantially over the past forty years, rising from , in  to , in  (Figure .).5 The time trend     can be broken into three parts. From  to , the number of Ph.D.s conferred grew rapidly (at an average rate of  percent per year) and the growth was fueled by Ph.D.s awarded to U.S. citizens. Then the number of Ph.D.s conferred declined slightly over the next period, –. Since  the number of Ph.D.s conferred has grown gradually among both U.S. citizens and non–U.S. citizens. The increasing presence of non–U.S. citizens...