Common Sense on Weapons of Mass Destruction

Epilogue

Epilogue I n c o m b a t i n g t h e t h r e a t o f t h e p r o l i f eration of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and the grave danger that these weapons may be acquired by international terrorist organizations (as well as by rogue states), it has been argued in these pages that military force is not the primary means whereby these threats can be successfully addressed. Rather, to be effective, the response of the civilized world to the threats of weapon proliferation and international terrorism must largely be diplomatic, economic, and cultural in nature, with only the occasional use of military force when necessary. Failed states, regions of poverty and widespread deprivation, and machine gun cultures are breeding grounds for international terrorism. These problems cannot be solved by military force. Likewise, to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, the full cooperation of the world community is essential. This is a diplomatic task. Such international cooperation is required in order to maintain a viable npt regime, which 1 5 5 has been for thirty years and will continue to be the central instrument of international security in today’s world. The 9/11 Commission, in its report released on July 23, 2004, proposes important structural improvements, but also makes the point that we are in a war—not a war against an army, rather against an ideology. The report asserts the need to fight Al Qaeda and other elements of international terrorism with intelligence, military , economic, and diplomatic resources, but also argues that we need to emphasize our principles and values in our response to what has become an ideological war. Important in this effort, the report states, is that the United States “offer an example of moral leadership in the world . . . [and] abide by the rule of law” (p. 376). A serving cia officer, on July 19, 2004, anonymously published a book (approved for publication by the cia) entitled Imperial Hubris. In this book, he asserts that we are losing the war on terror because we do not understand that it is our policies toward the Muslim world, not our values, that Al Qaeda is fighting. He suggests that we should consider modifying these policies, including our current position on the Palestine question and our support for tyrannical Muslim regimes. (He also notes that Al Qaeda “applauded” the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 [p. 96].) The 9/11 report makes a comparable recommendation, emphasizing the issue of support for oppressive Muslim regimes, and recognizing the importance of improving cultural relationships. Meanwhile, the North Korean nuclear weapon crisis continues without solution—a potential disaster waiting to happen— with a North Korean government spokesman referring to the U.S. offer made at the end of June as a “sham” (New York Times, July 25, 2004). The North Korean nuclear weapon program is a danger to the world community, both because of the possibility of direct use of such weapons and because of the potential of the sale of nuclear material to terrorist organizations. 1 5 6 / e p i l o g u e There is a long struggle ahead of us, for which our tools will be primarily diplomatic, economic, and cultural. Treaty regimes and international law can play a central role in this struggle, just as they did in the Cold War. The 9/11 Commission report underlines the importance of abiding by the rule of law in our relations with other nations. By supporting treaty regimes and international law, the credibility of the United States will increase, making easier the crucial task of uniting the world community against the threat of nuclear terrorism. The more the international treaty system controlling nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction can be strengthened, the less will be the risk of catastrophic proliferation, and the more the terrorists and their ideology will be isolated and opposed by a united world community. The cornerstone of this system is a viable and effective npt regime. Strengthening this regime should be our highest priority. e p i l o g u e / 1 5 7 ...