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Disarmament Sketches

Three Decades of Arms Control and International Law

Thomas Graham, Jr.

Publication Year: 2012

Published by: University of Washington Press


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pp. c-ii

Title Page, Copyright

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pp. iii-vi


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pp. vii-viii

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Foreword by Paul H. Nitze

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pp. ix-x

President Kennedy once said, "Mankind must put an end to war or war will put an end to mankind." I believe this to be as true today as it was some forty years ago. Like no other time in history, the nuclear age has witnessed the birth of technologies so dangerous as to bring about the potential annihilation of hundreds of thousands, even millions, of people, none of whom would have been responsible for the decision involved in bringing about such...

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pp. xi-xii

In putting this book together, I benefited from the assistance and support of a number of energetic and helpful people. I must first recognize my colleague Damien La Vera for his outstanding editorial work and his sage advice as this manuscript took its final form. He combined a firm grasp of the subject matter and a very real literary ability with a keen editor's eye. Damien has a great future ahead of him both in the national security field and with the written word....

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pp. xiii-2

This volume, in addition to being a personal history, is intended as a chronicle of the U.S. arms control and disarmament policymaking process during the late twentieth century. It is also an accounting of the role played in that process by the agency for which I worked for twenty-seven years, the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA)....

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1. Politics, Louisville and Washington, D.C.

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pp. 3-19

I come from a political family. My great-uncle, Robert Connor, was lieutenant governor of Wisconsin under Governor Robert LaFollette and chairman of the Republican Party in Wisconsin for many years. I remember once asking my grandmother, "Granny, are you a Democrator a Republican?" Elizabeth Malcolm Connor Graham looked at me with scorn and replied, "I was forty before I saw a Democrat!"...

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2. Chemical and Biological Weapons

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pp. 20-33

Chemical and biological weapons are two types of weapons of mass destruction that are closely linked historically and to which similar constraints were initially applied. Chemical weapons are essentially gas weapons, that is, chemical compounds that are in a gaseous state when activated, which are contained in shells, bombs, or spray tanks, and are delivered by aircraft, artillery, or ballistic missiles. During World...

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pp. 34-48

Attempts to limit armaments and reduce the destructiveness of war go back at least to the Middle Ages. The medieval papacy outlawed the crossbow at the Second Lateran Council in II39. The crossbow was soon surpassed in capability by the English longbow, which in turn was rendered obsolete by the destructive firepower of the cannon. Through the centuries there were further attempts at arms limitations...

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4. SALT II, Part One: The Nixon-Ford Years

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pp. 49-75

The ABM Treaty and the Interim Agreement were brought into force by the United States and the Soviet Union on October 3, 1972. The SALT II negotiations began at the end of November 1972 and continued in this first session until December 21. The SALT I practice of alternating between Vienna and Helsinki was abandoned and the negotiations were located at Geneva, where the strategic arms negotiations remained...

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5. SALT II, Part Two: The Carter Years

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pp. 76-101

The Carter administration took office on January 20, 1977. Since December 6, I had been acting general counsel of ACDA. Early on, President Carter selected Paul Warnke as director of ACDA, and at Warnke's insistence he was given a "second hat" as chief SALT negotiator. Walter Slocombe, a prominent member of the transition team in the national security area, came to see Alex Johnson and informed him that his report...

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6. The Reagan Revolution and the INF and START Treaties

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pp. 102-142

Ronald Reagan ran for president on a platform that included opposition to SALT II. But he was for real arms control, he said, and he wanted to limit the things that mattered-the warheads. He claimed that he did not want simply to ratify the arms race. Thus, early in the Reagan presidency there was an effort to withdraw SALT II from the Senate. It was thought that all the president had to do was to send a...

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7. The Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty

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pp. 143-184

The ABM Treaty from SALT I, unlike the Interim Agreement, is an agreement of indefinite duration. It originally limited strategic defense systems and components in ABM deployment areas to two sites for each party. For the purposes of the treaty, the three current ABM components are listed as ABM launchers, ABM interceptor missiles, and ABM radars. Article III limits the number of ABM interceptor missile launchers...

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8. Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty

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pp. 185-213

In retrospect, the negotiations that led to the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty (CFE) moved incredibly quickly, despite taking place in the midst of breathtaking political change. I ran into Victor Smolin, my SALT II counterpart, in Moscow in the fall of 1988, and he said, "Our leadership is determined to get a conventional arms...

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9. Survival of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency

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pp. 214-236

In I992, Secretary of State James Baker commissioned a panel to study the merits of integrating ACDA into the Department of State. The chairman of the panel was Ambassador Jim Goodby, an outstanding retired career officer with a distinguished background in arms control and my former colleague on the Rowny "hit list." Contemporaneous with this there was a brief Carnegie Endowment study, "Organizing Foreign...

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10. Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty

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pp. 237-256

The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) issue began to take center stage during my tenure as acting director. Perhaps the very first disarmament issue of the nuclear era was the effort to halt nuclear explosive testing. It began in I95 5, just a year after the Lucky Dragon incident in which a thermonuclear test produced a much larger than incident in which a thermonuclear test produced a much larger than...

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11. Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty

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pp. 257-293

The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is the centerpiece of international efforts to control the spread of nuclear weapons. The treaty was signed in 1968, a time when the tool of multilateral nuclear arms control was relatively new and widespread nuclear proliferation was considered a likely development. Indeed, there were predictions during...

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12. NPT Aftermath and the End of ACDA

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pp. 294-312

After the successful conclusion of the NPT Review and Extension Conference, I thought that a possible subject that I might work on was the development and extension of nuclear-weapon-free zones. It is one of the commitments in the Statement of Principles and Objectives document, and I had written a memorandum to John Holum before the...

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pp. 313-322

As I indicated, the Lawyers Alliance for World Security (LAws) had been pursuing me for some time. A number of times I had met with LAWS Board members Mark SchIefer and John Rhinelander, as well as Louise Walker, beginning in September 1995. At that time, I told them I was interested, but that I could do nothing until after the CFE Review Conference in May 1996. Mark raised the salary offer to an attractive level and by the end of 1996, as...

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pp. 323-334

In reviewing the history of arms control, non-proliferation, and disarmament events over the last thirty years, perhaps it would be useful to attempt to draw some conclusions, or at least some lessons. Of particular interest are the issues related to what the role of disarmament policy should be, and the maintenance of arsenals of weapons of mass destruction by democratic states. Ultimately, can democratic states effectively deal with the imperative...


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pp. 335-344


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pp. 345-362

E-ISBN-13: 9780295801575
E-ISBN-10: 0295803088
Print-ISBN-13: 9780295982120
Print-ISBN-10: 0295982128

Publication Year: 2012