Jewish Philanthropy and Enlightenment in Late-Tsarist Russia

4. Confrontation with Anti-Semites

4 Confrontation with Anti-Semites F ollowing the liberation of the serfs, the government was trying to set a clear and pragmatic course for reform. But officials feared devolving too much authority and unduly empowering “society.” Some Jews benefited greatly from the reforms, while others remained unaffected or even suffered. The winners included those Jews permitted to enter the civil service as lawyers in its newfangled independent courts and bar association , and some Jewish artisans who were invited to live outside the Pale in 1865.1 According to John Klier, the reform regarding artisans, while somewhat ill-timed, was supposed to represent “a Jewish equivalent of the emancipation decree for the serfs.”2 The final reform pushed through in 1867 was permission for army veterans who had served twenty-five years to retire in Russia proper. During this time, less generous rulings were also enacted. An 1865 decree forbade Jews from buying land in the Northwest Territories and another in 1864 prohibited Jews from buying land in Congress Poland. These laws were intended to deny non-Russians, i.e., Poles and those of other nationalities, the capacity to acquire land and gain influence over local peasants. The government felt an obligation to protect the newly liberated, and therefore vulnerable, peasants from Jews and others who might be able to “lord over them.”3 Thus, while the first reforms had the effect of whetting expectations, the main reform, the elimination of the Pale of Settlement and opening of Russia proper to Jewish residence, did 55 not occur.4 At the same time, anti-Jewish expressions began to be heard in Russian newspapers and in certain groups in high society, such as that of the “neo-Slavophiles.”5 OPE leaders pretended not to notice the negative change in attitudes, hoping that reform would continue. In 1866, however, the government gave the OPE a rude awakening, refusing a request to censor anti-Jewish articles in Vilensky Vestnik (The Messenger of Vilna), a leading newspaper of the northwest.6 The interior minister informed the society that it had misunderstood its role. If Jews feel insulted they should look to the courts for redress, since the OPE does not have the right to participate in public polemics. In the same breath the minister contradicted himself, advising the society to air its views through the press and not bother the ministry of interior.7 The overseer of Vilnius’s Educational District, I. Kornilov, was actively hostile to Jews. He described them as “a greater misfortune for the Russians than the Mongols.”8 In particular, Kornilov bore a deep hostility to the OPE. His own letter expressed his position: What right and authority does this board have, holding meetings in Petersburg that, bypassing the Minister, declares in print its thanks for the good condition of [Jewish] schools? What kind of impertinent and harmful interference! Does this committee think of itself as some kind of Jewish Ministry of Education? Such autonomy makes the Petersburg board appear powerful in the eyes of the Jews and gives it the appearance of a school administration. It is necessary, in my view, to demand from the [Petersburg] board that, apart from [dealing with] ministers in charge of schools, it stop interfering in school affairs and immediately comply.9 Instead of siding with the OPE, the government appointed Jacob Brafman to the post of Jewish censor in 1866 and convened a special committee to investigate Brafman’s accusations about the subversive character of the kahal. This appointment showed that the cozy relationship of Jewish notables and government officials was turning the other direction.10 In fact, as official anti-Semitism began to heat up, Evzel Gintsburg and his son Horace found themselves powerless to reverse the government’s sentiment. The role of the OPE as an arm of imperial policy had apparently outlived its usefulness after only three years! Harassment of the OPE continued apace. In 1867, Kornilov demanded that journals sent by the OPE to libraries and schools be sent to the Edu56 part 2. confrontations with reality cational District for initial approval, where Kornilov himself would then decide whether or not to send them on to their final destination. The St. Petersburg board had no choice but to yield to this request. As a result, only three journals were approved—Birzhevie vedomosti (The Market News), Uchitel’ (Teacher), and Vestnik Evropy (Messenger of Europe). All of the Jewish journals in...