Reforming Intelligence: Obstacles to Democratic Control and Effectiveness

Seven: Taiwan’s Intelligence Reform in an Age of Democratization

seven taiwan’s intelligence reform in an age of democratization Steven E. Phillips F our factors shaped the reform of security and intelligence agencies in the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan: democratization ; Taiwanization of the state and the Nationalist Party; continuing concerns over the People’s Republic of China (PRC); and scandals related to intelligence failures or malfeasance.1 For most of the cold war, the Nationalist regimewas authoritarian but never sought the degree of totalitarian control that its rivals across the strait, the Chinese Communists, did. Beginning in the 1980s, security services on Taiwan followed a pattern seen elsewhere—organizations with no external oversight, and not independent of the dominant political party or the state. Reform created institutions along the model of ‘‘bureaus of domestic intelligence’’ that focus on threats to the state rather than to a ruling political party or individual leader, do not use coercion , and accept ‘‘external inspection.’’2 Since the late 1980s, the chief rival to the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) has been the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).3 DPP leaders had long hoped to limit the role of the security and intelligence agencies in domestic politics and were able to take advantage of electoral victories to move ahead in this endeavor. Once in control of the executive branch after the 2000 election, however, DPP leaders found that reshaping loyalties while maintaining discipline within intelligence and security agencies was difficult. Several unique aspects of Taiwan’s recent history merit attention. Much of the literature on intelligence services in democratizing states builds on the experiences of postcommunist Eastern Europe. The intelligence efforts of these democratizing regimes now focus on their former ally, Russia, and they must also attack organized crime and terrorism. Taiwan’s main external threat, however, has remained constant over the past half century. Chiang Kai-shek, his son Chiang taiwan’s intelligence reform Ching-kuo, Taiwan-born Nationalist Lee Teng-hui, and DPP leader and current president Chen Shui-bian all shared concern over PRC intentions and military capabilities.These leaders, who range from authoritarian to cautious reformer to comprehensive reformer to democratic activist, also sought to build support among émigré communities and policymakers in the United States and Japan. Other than a few bombings by Taiwanese independence activists in the 1970s, terrorism has not been a major problem in pre- or post-reform Taiwan. As they reform their intelligence services, many democratizing states debate how to define the national interest. On Taiwan, even the fundamental issue of national identity remains open to question. For decades the PRC and the ROC each advocated a one-China policy, which stated that there is but one China and that Taiwan is part of that China. (Each, of course, claimed to be that one legitimate China.) Beginning in the 1980s, Taiwanization meant that mainland-born Nationalists who came to the island with Chiang were gradually replaced in the military, security, and intelligence services. Taiwanese, Chinese immigrants from the mainland prior to 1945, have less commitment to the ideal of national unification; most of them have never visited the mainland.4 The heated conflicts over loyalty to a unified China, to the ROC on Taiwan, or to an independent Taiwan that exist in the public sphere have become endemic within all parts of the government. historical context: successful democratization After fifty years of Japanese colonial rule, the Nationalists arrived on the island in 1945 with the promise of restoring the island to China. By 1949, however, the Nationalists faced defeat at the hands Mao Zedong ’s Communist Party and retreated to the island, which became their final redoubt. As the regime collapsed on the mainland, the central government announced the ‘‘Temporary Provisions for the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of Rebellion.’’ This essentially gave the president dictatorial powers and suspended the constitution. These provisions meant that the president could ignore the legislature if he deemed it necessary and could remain in office indefinitely. In May 1949 the island was placed under martial law. Arrests and executions of those suspected of ties to the Chinese Communists or Taiwanese independence groups increased through 1949 and 1950, marking the start of what became known as the White Terror. By the time the 171 steven e. phillips Korean War began in June 1950, Chiang was president of the ROC, director general of the Nationalist Party, and commander in chief of...