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Three. The Third Generation: The Politics of Islamism, 1989–1997
- University of Texas Press
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Any religion that considers itself, or any religious leader who perceives himself, to be an agent of God entrusted with the responsibility of establishing His sovereignty on earth and over the people . . . through ignoring the worldly needs of man and his human rights will inevitably cause slavery and violence. Mehdi Bazargan, Shoura-ye Enqelab wa Doulat-e Mowaqat (The Revolutionary Council and the Provisional Government), 1983 “T he Spirit of God joined the celestial domain”: that was how Iranian radio broke the news of Khomeini’s death on Sunday, June 3, 1989. The announcer eloquently played with words: Khomeini’s first name, “Ruhollah,” means “the Spirit of God.” Dealing with Khomeini’s death proved much more challenging than had been originally assumed. His successor was decided on smoothly, and the transfer of power was easy, but the institutionalization of the Islamic Republic in the post-Khomeini era proved much more difficult and was still unfolding in 2006, at the time of this writing. While there was enormous sadness over the loss, many had considered Khomeini the engine of political Islam. They thought his death would end extremism and revolutionary politics. This idea was further strengthened when the new president, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (in power 1989–1997) promised to open Iran to the West and normalize the birth of “the second republic,” as some called his tenure (Ehteshami 1995, 27–44). The period of elation lasted only three years. The unfolding of events indicated that Khomeini’s death signified only a departure from rule by a patriarchal arbiter rather than an end to the revolution. The present chapter captures the emergence of the third generation of Islamic discourse, a radical group that may be termed Islamists. They saw T h r e e The Third Generation The Politics of Islamism, 1989–1997 ISLAMISM AND MODERNISM 152 Khomeini as a radical and a great enemy of the West, and they wanted to continue in his tradition. Khomeini died of abdominal cancer and heart problems. His death was natural and ordinary, yet very significant historically. He was the only Iranian leader in quite some time to die of natural causes while in power. King Nasir al-Din Shah died by an assassin’s bullet; Muhammad Ali Shah, Ahmad Shah, Reza Shah, and Mohammad Reza Shah died powerless and homeless somewhere outside of Iran. In the twentieth century , only Mosaddeq died a natural death (in 1967), but even his occurred under house arrest, and no one was allowed to mourn publicly for him. Khomeini’s case was different. Following his death, people mourned fiercely, freely, and to the point of madness. An ocean of human flesh striving to be near his coffin did not allow for a normal burial. The century ’s suppressed feelings were now pouring out. The government acceded to this unforeseen and unprecedented event. Despite the Islamic injunction that corpses should be buried immediately, Khomeini’s was displayed inside a glass freezer for three days while the public paid its respects . Even then, when finally the body was to be returned to the earth, it was impossible for the funeral procession to break through the dense sea of spectators and mourners, so the corpse was carried by helicopter, at the cost of ten lives and 10,000 injuries. Only a heavy container placed on the grave by a crane saved the body from being torn to bits by lamenting devotees. I observed Khomeini’s shrine being erected in a flash. From hour to hour, the construction changed significantly as bulldozers, trucks, and heavy machinery worked in the midst of crowding pilgrims. Khomeini’s death tested the survival of the polity he left behind. Amazingly, just after the news of his death was broadcast, the government hastily announced that all activities had to halt. When widespread compliance was observed, things relaxed. That day I was to attend a meeting at the Institute of Political and International Studies, located in the northernmost section of the city, in the vicinity of Khomeini’s residence. All meetings were cancelled, mine included. Out of curiosity, I drove toward the institute, but when I neared the neighborhood, the crowd had halted all traffic, and the roads were closed. As the day wore on and masses of people poured toward Khomeini’s residence, the government’s confidence was restored. For many, he had been responsible for continuing the war and promoting revolutionary zeal. His death was supposed to bring calm, but instead it opened the way for...