First Available Cell: Desegregation of the Texas Prison System

Chapter 9 Life in the First Available Cell

ChaPTer 9 Life in the First Available Cell Typically, most inmates begin their prison careers housed in cell blocks and living in cells, nine-by-six-foot compartments arranged in rows (or runs) along two and three story tiers. Most runs have between twenty and twentyfive cells, or “houses,” as the inmates call them. Texas prison cells house two offenders, and two steel bunks (one over the other) are attached to the wall. Each cell has an open commode. Personal belongings are limited and life in the cell is cramped, noisy, and virtually devoid of any personal privacy. Hot in the summer and cold in the winter, cells have few creature comforts . Inmates must also endure the constant smell of sweat, body waste, and such disinfectants as Pine Sol and other industrial strength cleaners. Into this setting, as a result of Lamar, inmates are randomly assigned to the “first available cell.” Through this process, some cells are desegregated and some are segregated, all by chance. No matter: it is up to the “cellies” to figure out or adapt a routine whereby they can do their time. We devote this entire chapter to answer the question we posed in Chapter 1: What happened when Texas prison cells were desegregated? Incidents among Desegregated and Segregated Cell Partners From its onset, through its protracted path through the courts, Lamar was about cell desegregation. The cell was the target, and cell desegregation was no doubt the most contentious and drawn out aspect of the Lamar suit. To understand the impact of cell desegregation, one of the best barometers is by comparing the level of violence among inmates who were housed in a racially mixed first available cell to those who received a single-race cell. Tables 9.1 and 9.2 present the findings of this analysis. The focus is on one simple ques- Table 9.1. Cell Partner Incidents in the Texas Prison System, 1991–1999 Year Total Cell Partner Incidents Intraracial Interracial Intraracial Interracial N % Intraracial Interracial 1991 411 275 136 67% 33% 22 16 15 22 1992 527 272 255 52% 48% 56 22 19 25 1993 533 275 258 52% 48% 35 14 17 15 1994 501 218 283 44% 56% 36 13 13 13 1995 747 341 406 46% 54% 47 12 18 16 1996 864 376 488 44% 56% 39 8 19 17 1997 860 367 493 43% 57% 35 7 20 17 1998 855 357 498 42% 58% 31 6 20 17 1999 900 380 520 42% 58% 28 5 21 18 Total 6,198 2,861 3,337 46% 54% 329 10 Note: rate per 1,000 intraracial cell incidents is the rate of incidents per 1,000 inmates racially segregated in double cells in each year indicated. rate per 1,000 interracial cell incidents is the rate of incidents per 1,000 inmates racially desegregated in double cells in each year indicated. Incident totals for 1997 were derived from average of 1996 and 1998 because of missing data from the TDCJ-ID. Type of Incident Rate of Cell Partner Incidents Per 1,000 Inmates Racially Motivated Cell Partner Incidents (Desegregated Cells) Percentage of Total Cell Partner Incidents 178 The Inside tion: Did racially mixed cell partners engage in a greater level of violence than offenders in single-race cells? From 1991 to 1999, there were a total of 6,198 incidents involving all cell partners documented on the IDF. Incidents involving cell partners accounted for roughly 17 percent of inmate-on-inmate incidents in TDC from 1991 to 1999 (6,198 out of 35,995). Viewed another way, more than 80 percent of all incidents in Texas prisons did not occur among cell partners. Among cell partner incidents (6,198) in the 1990s, 54 percent occurred among mixed-race cell partners, and 46 percent occurred among cell partners of the same race. The critical point of focus when gauging the impact of cell desegregation, however, is whether interracial cell partner incidents occurred at a higher level than would be expected relative to the level of desegregated cells. For example, if 50 percent of TDC’s double cells are integrated in any given year, 50 percent of all cell partner incidents would be expected to occur among racially mixed cell partners, all else being equal. Alternatively, if racial animosities were a driving force for interracial cell partner incidents, it might be expected that mixed...