Immigration and the Border: Politics and Policy in the New Latino Century

Introduction

1 Introduction Gi l b e r t o C á r d e n a s , D a v i d L . L e a l , a n d J i l l S t r u b e Borders matter in our world more—and less—than ever before. With international migration at unprecedented levels, immigrants (with or without legal status) are increasingly visible and consequential in both host and sending nations. They are putting down roots, finding jobs, starting families, creating local and transnational networks, remitting money, and engaging in civic life. In doing so, they are deepening globalization, a process as old as human history (Steger 2003) but one that may be the defining characteristic of the twenty-first century. Technology enables individuals to travel vast distances while maintaining close and continuing contact with family, friends, and even political institutions in sending nations (Brettell and Hollifield 2008). In many host countries, immigrants receive social welfare benefits and even political rights. Such changes intertwine the cultures, economies, and politics of nations across the world. Little wonder scholars are asking if such dynamics weaken the traditional role of the nation state and require new ways of understanding the concept of citizenship (Soysal 1994; Sassen 1998), although others note that state power remains robust (Freeman 1988; Hansen 2008; Hagan, Leal, and Rodriguez 2012). 2 ■ Cárdenas, Leal, and Strube While the increasingly global economy is impatient with barriers to the movement of goods and commodities, the free movement of people has proven more problematic. Immigrants bring fiscal costs as well as economic benefits, and rapid population changes in the United States and Europe engender debates about national identity. In the United States, the nature of immigration has changed quantitatively and qualitatively over the last five decades, adding to a demographic revolution. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 not only eliminated­ national-origin quotas and restrictions but also created new provisions for family reunification. This led to greater numbers of immigrants as well as more diverse flows. Over one million people currently naturalize each year, and many millions of others receive temporary visas. In ad­ dition, large numbers of other migrants have crossed the border clandestinely , overstayed their visas, or otherwise added to an unauthorized population of about ten million people. Despite occasional nativist outbreaks and growing concern about irregular migration, the U.S. immigration system is unchanged in its fundamentals since 1965 (Leal 2010). Nevertheless, the Westphalian nation-state system is unlikely to disappear, and recent policy developments point out the importance of nations and citizenship. While borders increasingly fail to contain the people, commercial interests, or ideas of any country (Herzog 1990; Zúñiga 1998; Fox 1999; DeLaet 2000), they are an undeniable feature of political life. Contemporary immigration enforcement is characterized by both border control and interior enforcement (Kanstroom 2007). For instance, recent federal budgets have seen a considerable expansion of resources and personnel dedicated to the U.S. Border Patrol . However, in a departure from recent past practices, the United States now deports about four hundred thousand individuals annually, almost ten times more than the yearly average before the Illegal Im­ migration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996 (U.S. Department of Homeland Security 2010). Immigrants are eligible for a declining number of social services, and even legal residents are subject to deportation if they commit—or are discovered to have committed—any of a growing list of crimes. Some states and­ localities—a small but well-publicized minority—have enacted laws aimed at discouraging or deporting unauthorized immigrants (such as Introduction ■ 3 Arizona’s SB 1070) or cooperate in the federal-local 287(g) and Secure Communities programs. While the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, as well as European amnesties, suggest the possibility of eventual regularization, the prospects for a new amnesty program are unclear. Recent efforts to develop compromise immigration legislation have failed (Leal 2009a), including the Dream Act.1 For unauthorized immigrants, life in the United States has become more difficult over time, which reflects the theory of “self deportation.” Endorsed by Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney (Preston 2012), the goal is to shrink the number of such immigrants but without more draconian interior enforcement measures. Analysts often refer to a “thickening” of the U.S. border, which has implications not only for immigrants but also for the economy and relations with Mexico and Canada. The stricter identification requirements for crossing the border affect both citizens and non-citizens...