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Concluding Thoughts

In this report, I have drawn from the Youth and Participatory Politics Research Network and other sources to identify a set of emerging tactics young people are using to engage with and remake public spheres, often deploying digital and social media tools in intriguing ways. I have linked those tactics to a series of literacies that young people will increasingly rely on as they exercise civic agency. I have also highlighted some concerns related to participatory politics—vulnerabilities in the model that can cause even well-intentioned efforts to do inadvertent harm.

Table 1 shows how the various dimensions of participatory politics can work together.

The configuration in table 1 is just one snapshot of how the features, tactics, literacies, and risks of participatory politics can correspond to one another. For example, in the first row I’ve posited a scenario in which young people create content worlds primarily to circulate civic media; to do so they utilize an ability to collaborate in making stories that engage audiences in strategic ways, and they need to be very intentional about not sacrificing complexity and understanding for the sake of dissemination.

Table 1


Feature Tactic Literacy Risk
Circulation Create content worlds How to participate in transmedia storytelling that inspires sharing and action. Simplification: Nuance in the message can get lost, and dissemination can get out of control.
Dialogue and feedback Hide and seek How to structure collective interaction in ways that selectively disclose personal and other forms of highly sensitive information in order to generate substantive conversation within ideologically diverse communities. Sensationalization: Stories with the most epic and still palatable themes capture public attention. Everyday experiences of ordinary lives shadowed by fear and constrained by unfair policies don’t rise to that level of attention and therefore fail to factor in debates and decisions.
Production Code up How to design and develop platforms that invite and constrain modes of engagement toward desired ends, balancing openness and the aim to engineer specific forms of user response. Unsustainability: Civic software projects can require ongoing iteration over extended periods—a never-ending cycle that is hard to maintain with limited resources; even the most promising abandoned experiments can do more harm than good.
Investigation Forage for information How to glean insights from dense databases that aren’t always set up to invite access or scrutiny, and then how to represent the findings in accurate and compelling ways. Saviorism: The zeal for “making a difference” on behalf of others perceived as vulnerable can lead young people (and the rest of us) with an incomplete understanding of a complex situation to misconstrue information and release it in ways that can be dangerous to self and others.
Mobilization Pivot your public How to support one’s peers and others in ways that invite reciprocity when the time is right to enlist one’s network to take action on a specific issue or cause. Slippage: The desire to utilize shared interests to mobilize peers on behalf of a deeply felt cause can blind us to consequential differences, gaps in our own understanding, and limits to our own solidarity.

Although the tactic of creating content worlds has been paired with circulation in the table, it can relate to the other features as well. It is extremely relevant to production, it (one hopes) invites substantive dialogue and feedback, it can require investigation to get the story straight, and it can be a part of a larger campaign designed to mobilize a particular form of collective action.

Likewise, young people seeking to create content worlds for civic ends would need to look out for all the risks associated with participatory politics, not just simplification. Content worlds can feed sensationalization; they can ultimately be unsustainable and thus set up the participants for disappointment, resentment, cynicism, and missed opportunity; they can reveal a kind of saviorism that denies agency to those with direct knowledge and the most to lose; and they can invite slippage to the extent that participants eager to connect with the widest possible audience sometimes obscure the specificity of particular struggles.

The fluidity in how these features, tactics, literacies, and risks connect helps explain the potential power of participatory politics at its most fully realized. There are multiple possible points of entry that tap a range of capacities within individuals and communities to create positive change. The flexibility within the model also highlights the challenges involved: all the other risks are always hovering and require vigilance if the people involved are, at minimum, to do no harm.

I’d like to end with some final ruminations on the underlying social dynamics that participatory politics help bring to light. We’re seeing a strengthening of ties between politics and everyday creativity, lowered barriers to entering civic efforts, greater recognition for young people as producers of media and culture, and evidence that they’re utilizing traditional organizations in new ways, sometimes bypassing or installing new gatekeepers. We’re seeing a shift in how information and individuals accrue trust, credibility, and influence, not so much through official certification but more and more by way of association with valued networks and searchable track records of activity.

A defining feature of participatory politics is its center of gravity in peer relationships. Young people can find civic resources within their own communities, and not all their efforts necessarily aim at the usual targets. With widespread distrust of the formal institutions of government and conventional mechanisms for creating change, young people are experimenting with bottom-up tactics to challenge the social order. That said, face-to-face, sustained adult mentoring is still key in young people’s stories of political becoming. Allies who have injected equal doses of time, expertise, and humility into collaborative civic work with youth are indispensable (Gardner et al. 2012). We live together, after all, in these public spheres.

Participatory politics at its most influential often has a “transline” quality—not online or offline, but both. The convergence of these spheres of experience reflects a trend that’s accelerating, according to Wendy Hui Kyong Chun (forthcoming).1 One way to understand the significance of this transline quality for participatory politics is to recognize face-to-face interaction in shared physical space as its own kind of medium, not unlike video, audio, or text messaging.

Like any of these forms, the medium of live, to borrow a phrase from writer Douglas McGray, has its own special affordances and limits. It invites characteristic behaviors and inhibits others. Thus, among the most striking developments reported here—something that says a lot about how the world has changed—is the possibility that framing our questions about youth civics in ways that isolate the digital difference might, in the not-too-distant future, start to seem less and less like a good idea. The affordances of new media are key, but they are also inexorably enmeshed with the offline practice of politics. We therefore seek to understand how young people are producing civics today, seizing every tool, platform, and structure they can find or else cocreate.

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