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Notes  Introduction 1. John Leeds Bozman, History of Maryland: From its First Settlement in 1633, to the Restoration, in 1660 (Baltimore: James Lucas and E. K. Deaver, 1837), 194. 2. Patricia Crawford, Women and Religion in England, 1500–1720 (London: Routledge, 1993); David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); and Ralph Houlbrooke, Death, Religion, and the Family in England, 1480–1750 (Oxford : Clarendon, 1998). 3. Marilyn Westerkamp, Women and Religion in Early America, 1600–1850: The Puritan and Evangelical Traditions (New York: Routledge, 1999). 4. For this study, Anglican spirituality will be divided into its Arminian— referring to Free Will Christians with Roman Catholic leanings—and Calvinist components. While many historians, such as Peter Lake, have pointed out the problems with using the term “Puritans,” Calvinist Anglicans will often be referred to as Puritans in this study strictly for simplicity’s sake. Pragmatic Anglicans (for lack of a better term) who attended church functions in England for economic, political, and social advantages had a negligible impact on the society and culture of early modern Maryland. 5. Historians have debated whether Maryland instituted religious tolerance because of pragmatic considerations or because it adhered to a modern philosophy. See Carl Everstine, “Maryland’s Toleration Act: An Appraisal,” Maryland Historical Magazine 79 (1984): 99–115; Thomas O’Brien Hanley, Their Rights and Liberties: The Beginnings of Religious and Political Freedom in Maryland (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1984); John Krugler, “‘With promise of Liberty in Religion’: The Catholic Lords Baltimore and Toleration in Seventeenth-Century Maryland, 1634–1692,” Maryland Historical Magazine 79 (1984): 21–43; R. J. Lahey, “The Role of Religion in Lord Baltimore’s Colonial Enterprise,” Maryland Historical Magazine 72 (1977): 492– 511; and Maxine Lurie, “Theory and Practice of Religious Toleration in the Seventeenth Century: The Proprietary Colonies as a Case Study,” Maryland Historical Magazine 79 (1984): 117–125. This debate is not new, for in 1855 George Davis argued against a colleague he called “the Protestant historian of America” and the interpretation of the Roman Catholic colonists’ pragmatism, stating that “freedom of con187 science existed, not only in the legislation, but also in the very heart of the colony. It prevailed for a period of nearly sixty years; a real active principle; and the lifeguidance of many thousands” (Davis, The Day-Star of American Freedom; or, The Birth and Early Growth of Toleration, in the Province of Maryland [New York: Scribner , 1855], 258). 6. Of course, not everything went perfectly well for the early settlers: there were high mortality rates; the number of females in the province remained low throughout the seventeenth century; and, most importantly, labor supplies never met the insatiable demands of the pro¤t-seeking planters. Russell Menard estimates that “seasoning” in Maryland may have resulted in death rates as high as 35 to 40 percent among new arrivals. These ¤gures are for servants who arrived both before 1643 and in 1648–52 (Menard, “Economy and Society in Early Colonial Maryland ” [Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa, 1975], chapter 5). 7. Somerset County is referred to as the cradle of the Presbyterian church in America, having ¤rst been served by Rev. Francis Mackemie of the Old Rehoboth church. The Labadists followed Jean de Labadie, who held that God can and does deceive men, and that the observance of the Sabbath is a matter of indifference. The Labadists believed that people should pray when “they felt some inward motive for the purpose,” and they lived communally. William Penn visited this group and found that women held a position similar to that of Quaker women. Even though at least one of the Labadist women was highly educated, the Labadists were poor record keepers, making any de¤nitive statements dif¤cult. The Labadists seemed to have isolated themselves, and eventually their group died out in Maryland. For a letter describing some of the Labadist practices in 1702 as observed by a Quaker, see Edward D. Neill, The Founders of Maryland as Portrayed in Manuscripts, Provincial Records, and Early Documents (Albany: Joel Munsell, 1876), 158–159. 8. See Russell R. Menard, “British Migration to the Chesapeake Colonies in the Seventeenth Century,” in Colonial Chesapeake Society, ed. Lois Green Carr, Philip D. Morgan, and Jean B. Russo (Chapel Hill: Published for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Lois Carr and Lorena Walsh, “The Standard...

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