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2. Maasai NGOs, the Tanzanian State, and the Politics of Indigeneity
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2 X Maasai NGOs, the Tanzanian State, and the Politics of Indigeneity Shortly after his trip to Geneva in 1989, Parkipuny and seven other Maasai men founded one of the first Maasai nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Tanzania, called Korongoro Integrated People Oriented to Conservation, or KIPOC, which also means “we shall recover” in Maa. These men clearly recognized the tensions between international recognition of indigenous peoples and state hostility toward the relevance of the concept in Tanzania: although the word “indigenous” appeared thirty-eight times in the initial twenty-twopage project document written to publicize KIPOC’s program and funding needs to international donors (KIPOC 1991), it was mentioned only once in KIPOC’s formal constitution (in reference to livestock production: “integrated indigenous livestock and wildlife system”) (KIPOC 1990), which was submitted to the Tanzanian Ministry of Home Affairs as a requirement for formal registration as an NGO under the Tanzanian Societies Ordinance. The project document echoed and elaborated many of the themes raised in Parkipuny’s 1989 address to the UN Working Group; it was full of the language and logic of the sanctity of the “cultural identity” of “indigenous” peoples and their “basic human rights” to choose the form, content, and pace of changes in their lives. According to KIPOC, the Maasai struggle was “part of the global struggle of indigenous peoples to restore respect to their rights, cultural identity and to the land of their birth” (KIPOC 1991:7). Since the formation of KIPOC, the number of NGOs started by Maasai and other pastoralists and hunter-gatherers in northern Tanzania has grown exponentially, from ten registered NGOs in 1994 to more than one hundred such organizations in 2000.1 During the 1990s, most, like KIPOC, were organized around diverse claims of a common “indigenous” identity based on 64 Being Maasai, Becoming Indigenous ethnicity (such as “being Maasai”), mode of production (being a pastoralist or hunter-gatherer), and/or a long history of political and economic disenfranchisement by first the colonial and now the postcolonial nation-state. Such rhetorical moves were politically strategic; they enabled these NGOs to link their demands to international networks and institutions preoccupied with ensuring and strengthening the rights of “indigenous peoples.” Given their long history of grievances against the Tanzanian state, framing their demands in terms of their rights as indigenous people provided a unique opportunity to challenge disparaging stereotypes, forge a collective identity, and mobilize disparate and often dispirited groups. They gained greater visibility for their groups, increased international legitimacy for their claims, and, inevitably, improved donor support. In fact, after a while, many of these organizations demonstrated an extraordinary ability to attract substantial funds from bilateral and private international donors. Their evident success in mobilizing donor funding—visible in the new offices, vehicles, jobs, and national and international travel—encouraged the formation of even more NGOs. This chapter explores the emergence and spread of these NGOs and the experience of Maasai activists and organizations in order to analyze the opportunities and obstacles that their involvement in the transnational indigenous peoples’ movement has posed for their ongoing struggles for recognition, resources, and rights. As such, the chapter illuminates broader concerns about the structural dilemmas of NGOs, the dynamic relationship between NGOs and state institutions, the tensions between “global” and “local” economic and political agendas, and the cultural politics of indigeneity. As discussed in the introduction, I am not concerned with determining the “authenticity” of Maasai cultural identities or the merits of their claims to being “indigenous.” Rather, I am interested in exploring how and why Maasai positioned themselves as “indigenous,” how the legacies of colonial and postcolonial policies and practices influenced this positioning and its effects, and probing the opportunities and challenges they encountered, especially in terms of their relationships with the Tanzanian state. Becoming Maasai For over a century, Maasai have been perceived by Euro-Americans and increasing numbers of Africans as icons of “primitive” Africa, an image produced and sustained by their prolific representations in colonial travelogues and jour- [3.85.63.190] Project MUSE (2024-03-19 09:04 GMT) Maasai NGOs, the Tanzanian State, and the Politics of Indigeneity 65 nals, tourist brochures, “coffee table” picture books, postcards, movies, commercials , newspapers, billboards, fashion magazines, and other venues.2 As always, these static visual images—of men perched on one leg with cattle grazing in the background and women dressed in elaborate beadwork and colorful cloths milking cows—and stereotyped narratives—of ruthless warriors stealing cattle from defenselessfarmersorbrutalpatriarchscontrollingdocilewomen—maskacomplicated...