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Notes Introduction 1. This argument is developed in Clemens, People’s Lobby, 44–48. 2. Though discussed in greater detail later in the chapter, it is worth noting at this early stage that my emphasis on the centrality of politics is similar to the claims of important southern historians that disfranchisement was determined or necessitated by economic or social factors but grew out of “political responses to political circumstances” (Cell,Highest Stage, 169; see also 111–22).Kousser,in Shaping of Southern Politics and Colorblind Injustice, esp. chap. 1, emphasizes the political as well, as does Woodward, “Strange Career Critics,” 863–65. Where my approach differs from these works is in its focus on mechanisms of political mobilization and how they changed between 1880 and 1900. The emphasis on the “reconstruction” follows Kantrowitz, Ben Tillman. He similarly argues that white male solidarity had to be reconstructed with the end of slavery.While Kantrowitz focuses primarily on the rhetorical dimension of this reconstruction, I focus on collective political mobilization. 3. As discussed in more detail later in this chapter, I make no claims that North Carolina is a representative southern state—there is no such state. Rather, North Carolina is used as a comparatively informed case study to explore new ideas about collective mobilization that have been largely elided by other scholarly work on the South during this period. 4. Valelly, “National Parties and Racial Disenfranchisement,” 188. 5. See Woodward, Strange Career. For a discussion of the impact of Woodward’s arguments , see Rabinowitz, “More Than the Woodward Thesis,” and Woodward’s response in “Strange Career Critics.” See also Cell, Highest Stage, esp. chap. 4. 6. Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, 196. This line of argument emphasizing race as the key to southern history has a long history. See also Phillips, “Central Theme of Southern History”; Cash,Mind of the South; Key,Southern Politics; and Degler,“Racism in the United States.” 7. Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, 197; Wilson, Declining Significance of Race, 55–60. 8. See Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics; Perman, Struggle for Mastery, 4–6, 323–24. 9. Perman, Struggle for Mastery. Perman notes that “The time had arrived [for formal disfranchisement]; all that remained was the opportunity and the occasion” (36). He does not, however, come back to the issue of opportunity in the conclusion of the book, so it remains unclear whether changes in national or state political opportunities propelled or allowed disfranchisement in the particular states. 10. Kantrowitz, Ben Tillman, 3. See also Woodman, “Economic Reconstruction,” who more broadly surveyed race arguments and concluded “The explanation is potent, ubiquitous , and timeless. But it is just this universality that some insist weakens racism’s explanatory power; anything that explains everything in the end explains nothing. No one denies the existence of racism in the form of a consistent set of racist ideas and attitudes. But critics argue that these attitudes and ideas cannot bear the interpretive burden placed upon them by those who insist on the primacy of race and racism” (259–60). 11. See table 3 for evidence on the drop in turnout in former Populist strongholds.Most Populists in North Carolina and elsewhere opposed suffrage restrictions, though there were exceptions, notably in Georgia and Texas (see Perman, Struggle for Mastery, chap. 13). 12. Fields in particular argues that scholars must analyze racial ideologies and attitudes within specific historical contexts in order to understand them.See “Ideology and Race,” 146, 156. 13. Woodward, Origins of the New South, 20. See surveys by Woodman, “Economic Reconstruction,” and Rabinowitz,First New South, 81–86,for summary critiques of Woodward ’s “new middle class” thesis. Woodward himself (in “Strange Career Critics,” 863) suggests that one critic had “valid reasons” for saying that Woodward exaggerated the fall of the planter class. 14. Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy. This has been labeled the “Prussian road” because Moore had claimed that the Prussian Junker landed class had dominated German industrialization, unlike the middle-class domination prevalent in Britain, France, and the United States. Wiener, Social Origins of the New South, and Billings ,Planters, have been most closely associated with extending this argument to the U.S. South. 15. Rueschemeyer, Stevens, and Stevens, Capitalist Development and Democracy, 127– 29. 16. Trelease,White Terror, 51–53,115,296,332,354,363; Escott,Many Excellent People, 156– 57. 17. See Redding and James, “From Mobilization to Disfranchisement,” figure 1. 18. Williamson’s Crucible of Race offers a much more psychosocial account of...