Cover

pdf iconDownload PDF
 

Title Page, Copyright Page, Dedication

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. i-vi

Contents

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. vii-ix

Illustrations

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. x-xi

Figures and Tables

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. xii-xiv

read more

Introduction

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. xv-16

In the autumn of 1864, some months still before the Civil War would come to its final, exhausted conclusion, Maryland lawmakers did something that only a few years earlier had been practically unthinkable: they liberated the state’s approximately eighty-seven thousand enslaved people. Slavery had existed in Maryland from the earliest days of its colonial existence, and the occasion marked a legal revolution for the black men and women in the state. For black Baltimoreans in particular—a group that constituted one of the largest and most important black communities in...

Part I: Mobtown

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 17-18

read more

Chapter One: Rioters and Vigilantes

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 19-52

Before there were policemen and penitentiaries, there were white men. During the decades following Baltimore’s 1796 incorporation, little distinguished the municipal officers who policed for the city from the white male civilians who policed on their own. It is true that night watchmen and daytime constables, as well as justices of the peace, bailiffs, prosecutors, and a host of other municipal officers, participated in the criminal justice system and worked diligently to maintain order...

read more

Chapter Two: Policemen and Prisons

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 53-86

When we talk of policemen and prisons, we talk of the state. That term, “the state,” conjures images of a monolithic actor distinct from the people who constitute civil society. It raises the specter of something external, with a top-down capacity, something more powerful than and in tension with real individuals and the rights they hold dear. When we think of the state, we think of something other than us. Yet what interests me in this book is how this notion of a state severed from society fails to capture the complete workings of power. In antebellum...

Part II: Black Liberty, White Power

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 87-88

read more

Chapter Three: Securing the Workplace

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 89-122

Nineteenth-century Americans called Baltimore “Mobtown” for good reason. The derisive nickname actually dated to the early days of the War of 1812, when an angry crowd of Jeffersonians attacked a group of antiwar Federalists inside the city’s jail, but the moniker seemed no less appropriate over four decades later, when during the 1850s mobs terrorized unsuspecting victims on the city’s streets. In those days triggers for violence were myriad, and the actors involved could be diverse: Protestants and Catholics routinely fell into brawls; partisans...

read more

Chapter Four: Protecting the Household

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 123-154

Free black men’s violent expulsion from the labor market was particularly visible because contemporaries were most inclined to define black inferiority in terms of industry. “Freedom with them,” explained one of Maryland’s leading critics of black liberty, “is synonymous with idleness, [and] idleness begets vice to an alarming extent.”1 Many white Baltimoreans thus believed that black men’s supposed indolence legitimated violence in the workplace. But racial policing also extended to the...

read more

Chapter Five: Policing the Black Criminal

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 155-186

Any history of policing is also a history of criminality. Who gets to police, and how, often depends upon who is policed, and why. Those two identities—policeman and criminal—are wedded to each other conceptually and prove particularly inextricable in the history of American policing, where the police forces and penal system were erected to preserve freedom while the freedom of an entire race of people was stigmatized as criminal. Many nineteenth-century white people believed black...

Part III: Emancipation and Its Discontents

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 187-188

read more

Chapter Six: The Rights of Men

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 189-216

Racial slavery in Maryland did not survive the Civil War. Unlike elsewhere, where the institution’s demise owed to an oncoming Union army, federal action, or some combination of the two, slavery collapsed in Maryland because of measures taken at home, in the state itself. Elite white Marylanders gathered in Annapolis during the summer of 1864 and wrote a new constitution that was quickly ratified in the various counties. This was how the border state that stayed in the...

read more

Chapter Seven: The Crime of Freedom

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 217-246

Momentous legal change came to Maryland during the 1860s. At the start of the decade, most of the state’s citizens worried about emancipation, and certain men among them even debated “re-enslaving” free people of color, a population they deemed incorrigible and dangerous. But then the war came. Engulfing the nation, the Civil War and its chaotic aftermath provided both impetus and legal cover for the creation of a new order in Maryland, one predicated upon the...

read more

Epilogue

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 247-252

For large swaths of U.S. history, the extension of black rights and freedom has been inseparable from a rise in racial policing. This was never truer than during the late 1860s. When black men in post-emancipation Baltimore seized labor and household power, they did so in a society whose most liberal legal minds doubted their willingness to work industriously and head well-ordered households without compulsion. Such skepticism of black nature reflected a long-standing view among white...

Acknowledgments

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 253-256

Notes

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 257-298

Bibliography

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 299-320

Index

pdf iconDownload PDF

pp. 320-336