Cover

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Title Page, Copyright

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pp. i-iv

Contents

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pp. v-vi

List of Figures

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pp. vii-x

List of Tables

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pp. xi-xii

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Acknowledgments

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pp. xiii-xvi

Archaeologists have long held that they secure a privileged position in explaining long-term historical change. Despite this overarching concern with chronology and process, archaeologists have only recently considered indigenous temporalities and modes of historical production. This book springs from a Theoretical Archaeological Group symposium (Chicago, 2013) organized to explore how time, the past, and memory were conceptualized by the ancient people of the Americas. In turn we sought to compare indigenous philosophies of time with contemporary archaeological approaches to theorizing and writing history....

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One. Introduction: Rethinking Temporality and Historicity from the Perspective of Andean Archaeology

Edward Swenson and Andrew P. Roddick

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pp. 3-43

For many Andean archaeologists questions of time are limited to chronological questions, rather than indigenous temporalities or conceptions of time (but see Dillehay 2004; Hocquenghem 2008; Roddick 2013; Weismantel 2004). Scholars have interpreted social change, as expressed in shifts in material styles or settlement patterns, as a strictly etic problem, separate from how past communities experienced time’s passage, understood historical process, or ritually constructed social memory. However, sociopolitical transformation is often directly related to changes in temporal cycles and the ideological regulation of time itself, and...

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Two. The Historicity of the “Early Horizon”

Matthew Sayre

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pp. 44-64

Archaeological chronologies have always been produced in order to document change over time and across space, but their emphasis on the material remains of the past has often led to a conflation of ceramic styles with cultural types (Hodder 1992; Trigger 2006). This in turn has led to a criticism of archaeology as simply documenting “pots marching across space” (Hodder 1982: 37). However, even in early archaeological approaches there was some flexibility inherent in this model, and cultures were rarely presented as static and unchanging relics of past societal forms....

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Three. Disordering the Chronotope and Visualizing Inhabitation in the Lake Titicaca Basin

Andrew P. Roddick

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pp. 65-106

In this chapter I discuss chronology and temporality in the Lake Titicaca Basin, exploring how our visual tools are associated with a particular narrative structure. Archaeological narratives are the sequence within which we order our data, and the way our empirically driven stories achieve an overall coherence (Pluciennik 1999; Ricoeur 1984). In analyzing our narratives of the past, we can strip away complex language and reveal unquestioned assumptions and a variety of genres, and the ways that time and space are configured by particular “chronotopes” (Ballard 2003; Joyce 2002; Pluciennik 1999: 654; Terrell 1996). The term...

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Four. The Past as Kin: Materiality and Time in Inka Landscapes

Darryl Wilkinson and Terence D’Altroy

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pp. 107-132

The marked lack of figurative imagery in Inka material culture is doubly anomalous. In the first instance, it appears peculiar when set within the comparative study of empires. Unfashionable as it is nowadays to make such generalizations, we might venture a claim that empires are unusually prolific in their production of images. Further, there is probably a very loose correlation between the degree of “complexity” (read: centralized and hierarchical politics) exhibited by any given society and its appetite for figuration (DeMarrais et. al 1996). The reasons for this are not necessarily all that obscure; the basic link between political complexity...

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Five. Past-Forward Past Making: Late Pre-Hispanic and Early Colonial Andean Archaeology and History

Zachary J. Chase

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pp. 133-173

Centuries ago, indigenous Andeans from Huarochirí in Peru’s central highlands (figure 5.1) communicated the region’s very deep past through mythical narratives about consorting, ancient, superhuman beings (huacas). One of these stories— recorded in Quechua in the early years of the seventeenth century and compiled into the renowned “Huarochirí manuscript”—tells of the male huaca Cuni Raya Viracocha and the female huaca Caui Llaca. The following comes from Frank Salomon and George Urioste’s (Salomon and Urioste 1991: 46–50) translation....

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Six. Topologies of Time and History in Jequetepeque, Peru

Edward Swenson

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pp. 174-206

Philosophers have long recognized that space and time are difficult to conceptualize apart. Time’s passage and ineffable qualities are described in spatial terms, whereas space can only be inhabited and experienced in temporally embodied movements (Bergson 2001; Heidegger 1985; Merleau-Ponty 1962: 411–15; Munn 1992). By extension, technologies of quantitative time (charting the phases of the moon, counting the ticks of a clock’s hand, etc.) measure the indivisible flow of experience into static, spatial units. In stressing Spinoza’s view that time is fundamentally about duration, Henri Bergson (2001: 108) critiques the reduction...

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Seven. Scaling the Huaca: Synecdochal Temporalities and the Mimetic Materialization of Late Moche Timescapes

Giles Spence Morrow

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pp. 207-238

In a short commentary on the status of scale models in contemporary architectural and artistic practice titled “Models are Real,” Danish artist Olafur Eliasson argues that our ability to understand, inhabit, and evaluate space is dependent on recognition that “space does not simply exist in time; it is of time” (Eliasson 2007: 19). As the actions of users continually re-create its structure, Eliasson suggests, this temporal aspect of the built environment is often forgotten or repressed in Western society. This repression is the due to a persistent understanding of space as static and atemporal (Eliasson 2007: 19). Acknowledging the manner in which...

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Eight. Hitching the Present to the Stars: The Architecture of Time and Space in the Ancient Andes

Francisco Seoane and María José Culquichicón-Venegas

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pp. 239-262

When archaeologists study other societies in a comparative framework, they tend to downplay problems of alterity and differences in cultural practice and worldview. Of course, this presents a perennial problem in anthropology: how to understand what is exactly different, especially among cultures that have been silent for centuries. As scientists, we try to explain culture and historical change following the criteria of cause and effect, but we have been blind to a very important aspect of this relationship: how people of different cultures experienced the relation of cause and effect within time and space (Spengler 1989). This...

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Nine. Archaeology, Temporal Complexity, and the Politics of Time

Tamara L. Bray

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pp. 263-278

Time is fundamental to the idea of archaeology, and the way we understand time affects the way we conceive of and interpret our archaeological objects of study. Radiometric dating, chronology building, and the discipline-wide focus on culture change are all key features of archaeology as practiced today, and each is intimately entangled with specific notions about time. Yet, for the most part, time has remained a largely taken-for-granted concept within the field (though see Harding 2005; Lucas 2005; Murray 1999; Olivier 2011, for notable exceptions). The chapters presented in this volume foreground the topic of temporality,...

List of Contributors

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pp. 279-280

Index

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pp. 281-288