Cover

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Title Page, Copyright

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pp. i-vi

Contents

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pp. vii-viii

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Preface

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pp. ix-xiv

During the 1960s and 1970s many intriguing movements and individuals attracted signifi cant public and scholarly attention. While the authors could only focus on a few leaders and movements, the chapters in this volume provide intriguing studies that serve as an introduction to this exciting era in American history.

This volume begins with Davis W. Houck’s chapter, “Fannie Lou Hamer on Winona: Trauma, Recovery, Memory.” Houck argues that too little attention has been paid to the women who played a signifi cant role in the civil rights movement. His...

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Introduction

Richard J. Jensen and David P. Schulz

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pp. xv-lvi

During the 1960s and early 1970s students, women, members of minority groups, gays, senior citizens, the disabled, the poor, environmentalists, and many other groups created social movements that demanded full rights, equality, recognition of their unique identity, and their fair share of the American Dream. The leaders of those movements used a variety of verbal and nonverbal rhetorical tactics to present their message to supporters, potential supporters, opponents, and the general public.

The 1960s and early 1970s were one of the most controversial periods in American history. The dramatic events of that era and the actions and arguments used by...

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1. Fannie Lou Hamer on Winona: Trauma, Recovery, Memory

Davis W. Houck

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pp. 1-38

President Lyndon B. Johnson had one helluva Mississippi problem. As his party’s convention neared its formal opening on Monday, August 24, 1964, the unelected president grappled with a matter so complex and intractable that the former master of the Senate contemplated the unthinkable: in an August 15 telephone conversation with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People’s (NAACP) Roy Wilkins, Johnson mused about the possibility of resigning the presidency, moving back to Johnson City, Texas, and collecting his $50,000 annual pension. After encouraging Wilkins to reach out to other civil rights leaders...

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2. Theorizing Black Power in Prison: The Writings of George Jackson and Angela Davis

Lisa M. Corrigan

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pp. 39-82

In this quotation Angela Davis suggests that offi cial language, particularly the legal language used by the judicial system, serves to mystify the legal system and those within it. Her words encourage the reader to think critically about the ways in which state narratives about crime and criminals deceived the public and serve as a reminder that citizens must be prepared make the state accountable for its actions. This chapter examines the publications of imprisoned intellectuals and black power advocates George Jackson and Angela Davis to explain how their prison writings demystifi ed offi cial narratives about law and order in precisely the manner...

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3. From Farmworker to Cultural Icon: Cesar Chavez’s Rhetorical Crusade

Richard J. Jensen and John C. Hammerback

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pp. 83-118

During the 1960s and early 1970s Chicano leaders organized protest movements that openly challenged the Anglo power structure and demanded signifi cant improvements in the lives of Mexican Americans and other poor people. The Chicano movement was composed of several major organizations, each of which was led by a charismatic individual who created a powerful rhetoric that argued for dramatic changes in American society.

In their book The Chicanos, Meier and Rivera describe the Chicano leaders:

Up to the early 1960s organizational development in the Mexican-American community was overwhelmingly local in activity and membership. Little had...

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4. Free Speech at Berkeley, 1964–1967: Mario Savio, Clark Kerr, and Ronald Reagan

David Henry and James Arnt Aune

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pp. 119-138

Twenty-six by forty feet. The University of California at Berkeley allotted that amount of space at the campus’s Bancroft Way–Telegraph Avenue entrance for a “free speech area” when the campus expanded in the late 1950s. There, activists advocated social and political causes and solicited donations. Originally located on campus near Sather Gate, the free speech area had been in place at least since 1933, when UC President Clark Kerr arrived as a doctoral student.1 But while President Kerr was out of the country on university business in the summer of 1964, Berkeley chancellor Edward Strong and vice-chancellor Alex Sheriffs discussed...

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5. Finding Feminism’s Audience: Rhetorical Diversity in Early Second-Wave Feminist Discourse

Bonnie J. Dow

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pp. 139-180

In September 1968, at the Miss America Pageant in Atlantic City, New Jersey, a group calling itself New York Radical Women (NYRW) led a protest on the boardwalk outside the pageant hall decrying the sexist politics of the annual event. The one hundred or so protestors used guerrilla theater to dramatize their critique of the pageant. They chanted and sang songs, threw bras, high heels, girdles, women’s magazines, and other feminine appurtenances into a “Freedom Trash Can” (which, despite later reports that alleged “bra-burning” at the event, they did not light on fi re), and they passed out a ten-point press release titled “No More Miss America!”...

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6. Dr. H[omosexual] Anonymous, Gay Liberation Activism, and the American Psychiatric Association, 1963–1973

Thomas R. Dunn

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pp. 181-220

In 1975, the New York Times published a letter to the editor by Dr. Judd Marmor, then-president of the American Psychiatric Association (APA). Marmor excoriated an earlier letter-writer who claimed that protests and pressure tactics by gay liberation activists had forced the profession’s removal of homosexuality from its list of mental illnesses in 1973. He wrote:

[The] assertion that the American Psychiatric Association removed homosexuality from its list of illnesses “largely under pressure from gay liberation groups” is equally unfounded. This issue was studied for more than a year, with careful...

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7. Making and Unmaking Political Mischief: Trickster Influences in the Rhetorical Humor of the 1960s

Mari Boor Tonn

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pp. 221-250

In a missive to his brother from a jail cell in 1970, Yippie1 luminary Abbie Hoffman wrote, “Make up a letter for the [news]paper . . . & say it came from me. A revolution needs a few con-artists.”2 Indeed, with his principal Yippie cohort, Jerry Rubin, Hoffman had long practiced the politics of the “put-on,” a fusion of New Left ideology and “huckster” hype.3 Revelers in farce, humor, obscenity, shock, disruption, masquerade, and deception, the Yippies were emblematic of the “theater of the absurd,”4 a stark corollary to the sober justice arguments of Martin Luther King Jr., John Lewis, Cesar Chavez, Jo Freeman, Betty Friedan, Mario Savio, Frank Church,...

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8. People Get Ready: The Civil Rights Movement, Protest Music, and the Rhetoric of Resistance

Stephen A. King

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pp. 251-290

The 1960s are remembered for their brilliant speakers and speeches like Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream,” Malcolm X’s “The Ballot or the Bullet,” and Stokely Carmichael’s “Black Power.” The 1960s are remembered for voter registration drives and Freedom Rides, picket lines and demonstrations, peace symbols and obscenity, manifestos and bumper stickers, nonviolent resistance and armed self-defense, escalation, and physical confrontation.1 The 1960s are remembered for their counterculture groups like the hippies and Yippies, as well as social movements with their memorable acronyms: Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Congress...

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9. Extremism in the Defense of Liberty: The Countercultural Rhetoric of Barry Goldwater’s 1964 Acceptance Speech

Carl R. Burgchardt

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pp. 291-336

On July 16, 1964, Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona delivered his nomination acceptance address to the Republican National Convention in San Francisco. Near the end of the speech, he proclaimed defi antly, “I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.” These words are among the most controversial ever uttered at a political convention in the history of the United States. Although Goldwater’s loyal followers roared their approval, more moderate Republicans were dismayed, and the senator’s Democratic opponents fully...

Bibliography

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pp. 337-354

About the Authors

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pp. 355-358

Index

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pp. 359-368