Cover

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Title Page, Copyright Page

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pp. i-vi

Contents

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p. vii

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Acknowledgments

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p. viii

When sitting down to write these lines, again I had the opportunity to reflect on the kindness and support of a large number of people over the years. Here I can only mentIOn those directly connected with the formation of this book.
I became fascinated with China's past as a result of the Cultural Revolution, when I was living In a small village in Anhui. I did not imagine fate would lead to the study of Chinese history becoming my ┬Ěcareer.' After nine years in the village, I returned to Shanghai, and began publishing in acadenic journals. At that time, Shen Yixing and Tang Zhenchang headed the Institute of History in the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, and appointed me to a full-time research...

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Introduction

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pp. 1-3

Fundamental economic and social change in Its foreign concessions during the nineteenth century transformed Shanghai from a relatively unpopulated area contiguous to a minor county seat to the glittering "ten Ii of foreign territory"'-the "nightless city." In the settlements, new surroundings brought new attitudes and new values. The construction of broad roads enabled the introduction of the rickshaw and the horse-drawn carriage. As these began to replace the sedan chair, certain social distinctions became blurred: While the sedan chair implied status, a carriage could be hired by anyone with money to pay the fare. Symbols of social hierarchy, such...

Part One: A Brief History of the Dianshizhai Pictorial

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1. The Shenbao and the Dianshizhai

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pp. 4-11

The brothers Ernest and Frederick Major arrived in China in the early 1860s to set up business in the tea industry. In 1871 Ernest Major and three friends, C. Woodward, W. B. Pryor and John Mackillop, each contributed four hundred taels of silver to establish a Chinese language newspaper, the Shenbao.1 The specific rights and obligations of each of the shareholders were set out in detail in the contract. Major was to be responsible for management of the newspaper; any profits or losses were to be split into three shares, of which Major would get two, and the other three one-third between them. Major hired Jiang Zhixiang as editor-in-chief, and...

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2. The Shanghai literati

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pp. 12-20

Sketches in the Dianshizhai are usually signed by an artist. It is not clear from the illustrations, however, whether the artists themselves wrote the commentaries. The commentaries are written in the literary Chinese used by educated people of the late imperial period, with its classical syntax and literary allusions. A careful examination of the commentaries and original sketches confirms that the commentaries were in fact written by Shanghai literati associated with the Shenbao. We may conclude that the attitudes and messages in the commentaries reflect the values of this group.66...

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3. The nature of the Dianshizhai

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pp. 20-42

One adjustment the Shanghai literati had to make was to learn to write for a new purpose and readership. The Chinese educated elite traditionally wrote for serious purposes or for self-expression. As Journalists, they now had to learn to write for consumers.
Major gave his writers enough latitude to accommodate both commercial principles and their own personal attitudes. "New" was the main attraction of the Dianshizhai, and "new learning" occupied an important position in it. Generally speaking, the Shanghai literati welcomed aspects of material Western civilization such as wide streets and running water. Many of the sketches in...

Part Two: Shanghai: Old City, New City

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1. Roads and transportation

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pp. 43-47

By the 1880s, the wide, clean streets of Shanghai's settlements immediately impressed the visitor. In 1887 the Dianshizhai reminded its readers of how the roads had been built. The sketch shows more than twenty Chinese, bound to each other by ropes, pulling a huge stone roller along the road. They are supervised by a policeman. The commentary explains that these people were petty criminals who had been sentenced to a period of hard labor, since they had no one to pay their fines. The commentary goes on to say that the level roads in the International Settlement were "filled with the blood and tears of Chinese. Visitors from other parts of China...

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2. Water supply and hygiene

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pp. 47-53

According to the picture provided by the Dianshizhai, fire hydrants were quite common in the streets of Shanghai, and running water was readily available.32 This utility was first provided in 1883; before that

the principal source of water supply had been the Whampoo River or the Soochow Creek. The water from wells was brackish and unfit for drinking purposes, and the water carried from the river or creek in buckets to the various houses was muddy and subject to contamination from...

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3. Gas and electricity for public lighting

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pp. 53-57

The Shanghai Gas Company, Ltd. was founded in the 1860s, and gaslight became common in Shanghai after 1865. Before that, "the streets were lit at night with oil lamps, and were nearly as dark as those within the [Chinese] city wall."76 The Municipal Council introduced kerosene lamps in the 1850s,77 but their use was not widespread. By the 1870s, however, the introduction of gas and electricity for public lighting made Shanghai famous as "the nightless city."78...

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4. Urban life in the settlements

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pp. 57-76

Shanghai's new physical environment provided the setting for a new urban lifestyle and new forms of entertainment. Even traditional activities took on new forms and new meanings....

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5. Immigrants to Shanghai

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pp. 76-85

Before 1X53 the Chinese population in the International Settlement numbered no more than five hundred people, and the resident foreign population was about three hundred. After the Small Sword Society uprising, many Chinese fled into the International Settlement, and by the next year the Chinese population had swelled to twenty thousand.'" During the Taiping army attacks in Jiangsu and Zhejiang in the next decade, even more Chinese took refuge in the International Settlement. By 1865 the Chinese population there had reached 90,587, and the foreign population 2,297. After the Taipings were defeated, many Chinese returned to their...

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6. Conflicting legal systems

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pp. 85-98

When Chinese flooded into the settlements during the Taiping Rebellion, the foreign authorities were not keen for them to stay there, and had no interest in exercising any jurisdiction over them-except in matters of taxation or public order.316 The Chinese police could enter the settlements at any time, and take those arrested to the Chinese city for trial and punishment. Very soon, however. the foreign authorities realized that this state of affairs was inappropriate. and in 1864 a Mixed Court was established in the International Settlement.317...

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7. Law enforcements in the settlements

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pp. 98-116

Chinese residents of the International Settlement were theoretically subject to the jurisdiction of the Chinese authorities. However, as the British minister at Beijing, Sir Frederick Bruce noted, "The Chinese residents in the settlement were not under effective control either by the municipal authorities or by their own authorities outside."360 This observation was made before the establishment of the Mixed Court, but remained an accurate description of the situation even afterwards. This led to policemen becoming very powerful in their implementation of the law. As far as Chinese residents were concerned, the people with the most immediate jurisdiction, and direct power, over them were the police, especially the Chinese police....

Part Three: A New Urban Culture

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1. The Shanghai attitude towards things foreign

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pp. 117-131

Few Chinese lived in the settlements before IH53, when the Small Swords Uprising in the Chinese city sent more than twenty thousand refugees (including many wealthy families) into that neighboring safe haven.1 This alarmed both the Chinese and settlement authorities, but some Western merchants saw profit in building houses to rent to the Chinese. There were initially objections from both sides, but "the right of the Chinese to reside in the Settlement gradually became established by usage."2 They were not restricted to any particular area, nor were Westerners. This was quite different from other treaty ports such as Hankou, where residents of...

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2. Concepts of health and the human body

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pp. 132-145

Exposed to superior public facilities in the settlements, such as the improved drinking water, people grew to have higher expectations with regard to hygiene. The appearance of Western-style hospitals also encouraged such expectations, but in addition directly challenged certain basic philosophical and moral concepts....

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3. Changes in the pattern of human relations

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pp. 145-153

Traditionally, families and clans exercised substantial control over their members, and the local gentry controlled the community at large. Members of a community were also linked through the baojia system-the mutual responsibility system. No matter how miserably the baojia system failed its purpose!>; or how much government policies concerning it were ignored in practice,"136 the baojia had managed to survive through the centuries as a neighborhood surveillance system....

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4. Relations between the sexes

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pp. 153-161

Changes in relations between the sexes began with the change in women's status and behavior. The factories in the settlements attracted women from neighboring villages. The work was manual and the wages low, but nevertheless it meant they were no longer entirely economically dependent on their husbands, fathers, or brothers. Even the fact that they worked outside the home and were seen in public was unacceptable according to traditional morality. New economic factors gradually helped them change....

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5. Challenges to the traditional social order

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pp. 161-165

As the newly commercialized society introduced new values, the traditional social order came under challenge. Clothing, food, dwellings-traditional symbols of class-underwent substantial changes. Money dominated in Shanghai, and traditional class concepts gave way to the concept of money as the criterion of class. The most com1110n complaint among Shanghai literati was that class relations in Shanghai had become distorted. Wang Tao remarked that the clothes of people in Shanghai were becoming more and more resplendent by the day. There was no ostensible difference between people of different SOCIal classes. As soon as the nouveau riche merchants had...

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6. Vagrants and criminals

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pp. 165-187

Shanghai began as a simple, unsophisticated place."249 As it grew, migrants unable to find work, or who had lost their jobs became vagrants, tricksters, or hoodlums. This was reflected not only in the crime rate, but also in activities which, although not strictly illegal, were not in accordance with normal standards of morality. Vagrants and tricksters constituted a special element of Shanghai urban culture....

Part Four: Religious Practices

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1. Official attitudes

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pp. 188-194

Religious practice in Shanghai, although in many ways much the same as in other parts of China, also demonstrated certain characterIStICS peculiar to ShanghaI. The commercialization and urbanization of the city did not diminish participation in traditional popular religion, but the mixed nature of the Shanghai population meant that religious practices deriving from many provinces of China were practiced there. Wealth and a concentrated population made Shanghai celebrations more extravagant than elsewhere, and the vast size of the gatherings often...

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2. Attitude of the literati

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pp. 194-197

The literati were more critical of popular religious practices than were local officials. This group was not only concerned about social order; principles also had to be considered. The practice of self-mutilation associated with the Feast of the Hungry Ghosts had its origins in the Buddhism and expressed a form of filial piety.29 From the scholar's perspective, self-mutilation was the very opposite of filial piety (Fig. 121) .30...

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3. Organizers of religious activities

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pp. 197-205

Religious festivals were important occasions for expressing community solidarity and for friendly competition among various civic groups.
The Procession of the City God was an indigenous Shanghai religious practice, and despite its grand scale and the large numbers of occupational groups participating, it involved only locals in the Chinese city, not Chinese in the settlements.
Large-scale religious ceremonies in the settlements were organized by the guild halls and native-place organizations;17 some were organized by the temples. A few of the temples were associated with a particular trade....

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4. Social environment and its effects

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pp. 205-224

Religious practices connected with agricultural society were no longer practiced in the settlements. except for. of course, the Spring Festival, which was celebrated in a secular fashion as the Chinese New Year. Nonetheless, ceremonies of thanksgiving to the local God of the Earth after a successful harvest were still being practiced in towns only a few miles away.68 Sometimes the magistrate of Shanghai would hold an agriculture-related ceremony. such as that praying for rain. but the participants almost invariably came from the villages. Residents of the settlements and the Chinese city showed little interest in taking part. This is in contrast to other cities, Beijing for...

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Afterword

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pp. 225-226

The basic characteristics of Shanghai culture took shape during the second half of the nineteenth century. Many factors contributed to the formation of this new urban culture: the rapid commercialization of Shanghai; the ability of Shanghai residents to absorb Western influences; the degree to which they understood the West, and their own attitudes to the rapidly changing world around them....

Key to Illustrations

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pp. 227-229

Bibliography

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pp. 230-245

Index

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pp. 246-250