Front Cover

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Title, Copyright, Dedication

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pp. i-vi

Contents

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pp. vii-viii

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Acknowledgments

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pp. ix-xii

It was in the summer of 2004 that I first encountered the bundles of manuscripts labeled “Documents related to the discovery and development of quinine” in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain. Since that fortuitous encounter, I have incurred substantial debts to many individuals and institutions who helped bring this project to fruition. While historical research and writing can be rewarding on their own...

Map

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pp. 1-2

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Introduction

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pp. 3-20

In November 1783, Pedro de Valdivieso received an unusual request. The archbishop-viceroy of New Granada needed some “skeletons.”1 As the corregidor (royal governor) of Loja, a province in the southern sierra of New Granada (figure 1), Valdivieso was obliged to fulfill this request from his superior in the Spanish colonial government. Fortunately...

PART I. Andean, Atlantic, and Imperial Networks of Knowledge

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pp. 21-22

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One. Quina as a Medicament from the Andean World

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pp. 23-42

On 3 February 1737, Fernando de la Vega (b. circa 1672) welcomed an unusual visitor to his modest home in Malacatos, a small village near Loja, the capital of a province by the same name in the southern sierra of the viceroyalty of New Granada.1 This visitor was Charles Marie de la Condamine (1701–1774), a scientific traveler from France...

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Two. Quina as a Product of the Atlantic World

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pp. 43-68

In 1707, Antonie van Leeuwenhoek (1632–1723), a Dutch naturalist and early master of microscopy, published an article on cinchona bark titled “Microscopical Observations on the Cortex Peruvianus” in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London.1 After recounting the therapeutic use of the bark by a “Doctor of Physick...

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Three. Quina as a Natural Resource for the Spanish Empire

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pp. 69-88

In June 1748, Juan Francisco Toro, a member of the Society of Jesus, a Catholic religious order, received a letter from the viceroy of Peru, José Manso de Velasco (1688–1767). The viceroy wanted Toro to comment on a recent royal request for the fangs of a caiman and the bones of a manatee, among other things. These two items were part of a list of thirty-three natural products from Peru that the Spanish Crown...

PART II. The Rule of the Local and the Rise of the Botanists

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pp. 89-90

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Four. Loja’s Bark Collectors, the King’s Pharmacists, and the Search for the Best Bark

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pp. 91-109

In January 1773, the Royal Pharmacy in Madrid received a shipment of quina from the royal reserve in Loja. It had been twenty years since Miguel de Santisteban had organized the first shipment of quina from Loja to Madrid. In the intervening decades, the royal reserve had encountered significant obstacles in its efforts to supply the Spanish Crown ...

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Five. Botanists as the Empire’s New Experts in Madrid

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pp. 110-129

In the late 1770s, officials involved with the royal reserve of quina became cognizant of a new problem: the increasing scarcity of cinchona trees in the southern sierra of the Audiencia of Quito. It was taking bark collectors longer and longer to collect quina because they had to travel further and further into the forests. Some even returned empty handed. To make matters worse, merchants and bark collectors continued...

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Six. Imperial Reform, Local Knowledge, and the Limits of Botany in the Andean World

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pp. 130-150

In November 1790, Vicente Olmedo was in the Spanish port city of Cádiz. He was on his way to Loja to take up his new appointment as codirector of the royal reserve of quina. Olmedo’s official title was “botanist-chemist” (botánico-químico)—a neologism coined by officials in Madrid.1 It was a significant development not just in the history...

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Seven. Regalist and Mercantilist Visions of Empire in the “War of the Quinas”

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pp. 151-175

In September 1800, Francisco Antonio Zea (1766–1822), a botanist from the Viceroyalty of New Granada, published an article in Madrid on the classification of quina in Annals of Natural History.1 Despite its seemingly innocuous title, “Report on quina according to the principles of Mr. Mutis,” the article was a polemic. It focused on two recent proposals for the identification and classification of the different kinds...

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Conclusion. The Natures of Empire before the “Drapery” of Modern Science

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pp. 176-186

The story of the royal reserve of quina, like that of the majority of the Spanish Empire, ends in the early decades of the nineteenth century. Consider a prescient report submitted by Carlos Suarez, acting (and self-appointed) “lieutenant of the [quina] commission,” to the president of Quito in 1814. Suarez was especially eager to explain ...

Notes

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pp. 187-252

Bibliography

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pp. 253-274

Index

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pp. 275-284

Back Cover

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