Cover

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Title Page, Copyright, Dedication, Epigraph

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pp. i-vi

Contents

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pp. vii-viii

List of Illustrations

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pp. ix-x

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Acknowledgments

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pp. xi-xii

I gratefully acknowledge the support of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) for the predissertation grant that funded an initial fifteen-month research period from 2001 to 2002, and J. Jeyaranjan of the Institute for Development Alternatives (IDA) in Chennai for serving as my host; the American Institute of Indian Studies (AIIS) for funding my fieldwork from...

Terminological Notes

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pp. xiii-xvi

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Introduction

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pp. 1-12

The word pariah is used casually by speakers of English to refer to those who are shunned by others. A socially awkward, foul-smelling, or otherwise unpleasant person might be called a “social pariah”; apartheid South Africa, North Korea, and Saddam Hussein’s Iraq have all been called “pariah” states. The implication of our usage is that those we apply it to not only are...

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One. Outsiders

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pp. 13-46

Rumors of certain pastors receiving “foreign money” surfaced soon after my arrival in Anbu Nagar. Previously my ideas about conversion in India had been drawn from newspaper reports and the like, and I took claims that foreign money was being used to lure converts at face value. It also seemed obvious to me that conversion must stir social conflict and, in areas...

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Two. Caste, Care, and the Human

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pp. 47-80

My informants’ sense that the dominant, nonslum society was prejudiced against them was not without basis. But the prejudice was of a special type, one that went hand in hand with feelings of social concern and a desire to “uplift ” them. This desire was commonly expressed by Chennai’s English speakers, those urban elites who are conventionally referred...

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Three. Sharing, Caring, and Supernatural Attack

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pp. 81-110

In the previous chapter we examined a moral discourse in which slum dwellers portrayed themselves as the epitome of goodness, the very embodiment of humanity and care, while describing their counterparts in the dominant, nonslum society as unqualifiedly bad. Here we shift our focus from slum dwellers’ own ideal-typical account of the slum and its other in...

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Four. Religion, Conversion, and the National Frame

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pp. 111-151

Christians have been living continuously in India for longer than in much of northern Europe. Th e widespread embrace of Christianity by India’s Dalits and its so-called tribals (another “outsider” population) is a more recent development, however, dating only to the nineteenth century. It is also a relatively small-scale phenomenon in absolute terms. Christians...

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Five. The Logic of Slum Religion

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pp. 152-184

Hindu men in Anbu Nagar oft en poked fun at their slum Christian counterparts’ abstemious, unmasculine ways. “Look at him. No drinking, no smoking, no dirty words. He thinks he’s Jesus!” Christian women were gibed for praying all the time, for their “ugliness”—that is, for not wearing fl owers, makeup, or jewelry—and, most cuttingly, were said to dress like widows...

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Six. Pastoral Power and the Miracles of Christ

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pp. 185-216

With the rise of slum Christianity, a new form of power took hold in the world of the slum, insinuating itself into the fabric of everyday life and subtly altering the terms of moral community. Most notably this new power targeted relationships among women and those between man and wife. For some this power was none other than that of Christ himself, a power that they...

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Seven. Salvation, Knowledge, and Suffering

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pp. 217-243

The services of slum churches were frequently lampooned by the Hindu and mainstream Christian residents of Anbu Nagar as being just a pandemonium of shouting, misdirected enthusiasm, and, when all was said and done, “Nothing but ‘Hallelujah!’ ” For participants, however, these weekly productions were endlessly novel, witty, and replete with important and often...

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Conclusion

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pp. 244-250

I became a vegetarian in 1989 after reading a book that persuaded me industrial meat production was ecologically disastrous and raising and killing animals for food was cruel and unnecessary. I was an undergraduate at the University of California, Berkeley, and soon moved into a vegetarian cooperative. Many who lived there followed the ecological and ethical...

Appendix: Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Forcible Conversion of Religion Ordinance, 2002

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pp. 251-254

Notes

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pp. 255-264

References

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pp. 265-278

Index

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pp. 279-288