Cover

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Title Page, Copyright

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Contents

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pp. v-v

Important Dates

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pp. vi-vi

Acknowledgments

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pp. vii-vii

Acronyms

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pp. viii-viii

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Introduction

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pp. 3-14

A short time ago, I attended a lecture by Noam Chomsky at which he spoke out against the racism faced by Arabs and muslims.1 As part of his presentation, Chomsky pointed out that Pakistan, from which I immigrated to Canada many years ago, has the freest press in Asia. After the lecture, I got a ride home with a colleague who, like myself, teaches at an Ontario university. During our return, it became apparent that Chomsky’s comments had been lost on my colleague...

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1 Native Informing on the Zina Ordinance

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pp. 15-30

In a recent article entitled “‘Under Western Eyes’ Revisited: Feminist Solidarity through Anticapitalist Struggles,” Chandra Mohanty (2003b) revisits her earlier critique (1991) of liberal feminism and its tendency to produce sensational accounts about third-world women as the oppressed other. Mohanty once again argues for a reading of women’s oppression in ways that show the local and global not only as simultaneous, but also as constitutive of each other...

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2 Contextualizing the Zina Ordinance

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pp. 31-42

The Zina Ordinance comes out of a social, historical, and political process that linked the national and political aspirations of the muslims of British India to religion. This process intensified with the call for creation of the State of Pakistan and continues to fuel diverse political agendas. Pakistani political actors, without a clear political base in terms of popularity, support, and mandate, frequently draw on religion...

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3 Speaking to the Women

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pp. 43-55

In order to refocus the Orientalist gaze away from viewing non-Western women or Pakistani women as the only ones who are unjustly treated, I draw attention to a global trend. Feminist criminologists (e.g., Comack 2000b; Boyd and Faith 1999; Morris 1987) argue that we should view women’s involvement with the criminal justice system as largely a function of their social, political, and economic subordination under patriarchy...

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4 Disobedient Daughters, Errant Wives, and Others

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pp. 56-82

How can we understand the moral regulation of impoverished Pakistani women through the Zina Ordinance? And how might this regulation serve broader national and political purposes? In order to address these questions, I draw on Phillip Corrigan and Derek Seyer’s (1985, 6) argument that the idea of a common collective consciousness of the nation is not a free-floating signifier...

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5 Current Challenges to the Zina Ordinance

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pp. 83-106

Pakistan has made considerable progress since 1947 as measured by several key social indicators, such as health and education. For example, between 1990 and 2003 life expectancy increased from fifty-nine to sixty-four years. Infant and maternal mortality rates have also dropped. However, significant gender disparities remain, particularly in education. On average, boys complete five years of school, while girls average only two and a half years...

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6 A Politics of Transnationality and Reconfigured Native Informing

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pp. 107-128

I now return to some central questions in this discussion: How can women challenging local and national patriarchies link up with, and draw support from, feminists internationally? In negotiating such transnational solidarity, what kinds of discourses and material relations are important to consider? What kinds of conversations would help to support transnational feminist solidarity? What issues surround a reading of the difficulties of third-world women’s lives?...

Notes

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pp. 129-133

References

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pp. 134-144

Index

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pp. 145-152