Cover

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Title Page, Copyright Page, Dedication

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Contents

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pp. vii-viii

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Acknowledgments

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pp. ix-x

I owe debts to many persons who made this book possible. I acknowledge an intellectual debt to Patricia Sullivan for her fine work in pushing back the beginning date of the traditional periodization of the civil rights movement. ...

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Foreword

Patricia Sullivan

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pp. xi-xiv

In the spring of 1917, W. E. B. Du Bois reported that twelve branches of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People had been organized in the South. The NAACP had finally, he proclaimed, "a real first line defense facing the enemy at proper range."1 ...

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Prologue

Glenn Feldman

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pp. 1-20

In recent years there has been an explosion of scholarship on the civil rights movement. Among the broad array of writings are variations in emphasis on a number of themes: the national and local stages of "the movement"; ...

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1. "You Don't Have to Ride Jim Crow": CORE and the 1947 Journey of Reconciliation

Raymond Arsenault

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pp. 21-67

When Irene Morgan boarded a Greyhound bus in Hayes Store, Virginia, on July 16, 1944, she had no inkling of what was about to happen—no idea that her return trip to Baltimore would alter the course of American history. The twenty-six-year-old defense worker and mother of two had more mundane things on her mind. ...

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2. T. R. M. Howard: Pragmatism over Strict Integrationist Ideology in the Mississippi Delta, 1942–1954

David T. Beito, Linda Royster Beito

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pp. 68-95

Few blacks in Mississippi were more assertive and prominent in their support of the Brown decision than Dr. T. R. M. Howard. Howard's defining moment came on July 31, 1954, when he and a delegation of leading blacks used a special public meeting with the governor to spurn a "compromise II plan to maintain segregation in exchange for equalizing school spending. ...

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3. "Blood on Your Hands": White Southerners' Criticism of Eleanor Roosevelt during World War II

Pamela Tyler

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pp. 96-115

The Southern catalog of her offenses ran long. Critics said that she "volunteered to intermeddle with things which concern her notto libel and vilify ... to foment ... unappeasable hatred ... to sow the seeds of strife and violence." She engaged in "false coloring of southern society" and "miserable misrepresentation," ...

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4. "City Mothers": Dorothy Tilly, Georgia Methodist Women, and Black Civil Rights

Andrew M. Manis

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pp. 116-143

Sometime in the 1950s, an editor of a large southern newspaper advised a group of college students, "If you do not know what social action to take, watch the Methodist women, and where they lead, follow."1 Similar instructions were issued in 1982 when John Patrick McDowell pointed historians toward Methodist women if they wanted to see evidence of the Social Gospel in the American South.2 ...

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5. Louisiana: The Civil Rights Struggle, 1940–1954

Adam Fairclough

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pp. 144-169

Its origins as a French and Spanish colony and the particular character of New Orleans—in 1940 the South's largest port and biggest city—gave Louisiana a unique cultural profile. Its large Catholic element and its diverse population of Creoles, Cajuns, and more recent immigrants sharply distinguished the Pelican State from other southern states. ...

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6. Communism, Anti-Communism, and Massive Resistance: The Civil Rights Congress in Southern Perspective

Sarah Hart Brown

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pp. 170-197

The return of black soldiers who had "laid old Hitler low" clearly brought new spirit and energy to the fight against Jim Crow; confidence after the victory even encouraged some liberal white southerners to envision a coming revolution in race relations. But as the country's wartime rapprochement with the Soviet Union cooled and the Iron Curtain descended, ...

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7. E. D. Nixon and the White Supremacists: Civil Rights in Montgomery

John White

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pp. 198-221

In November 1985, part of the fortieth-anniversary issue of Ebony magazine was devoted to a celebration of "Four Decades of Black Progress." A photographic essay entitled "Forty Who Made a Difference" featured short profiles of "movers and shakers" who had "helped make the world a better place for blacks." ...

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8. "Flag-bearers for Integration and Justice": Local Civil Rights Groups in the South, 1940–1954

John A. Salmond

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pp. 222-237

Late in 1944, as World War II drew to a close, the Left-leaning southerner and former New Dealer Aubrey Willis Williams believed a new liberal spirit was stirring in the South. "There seems to be a bottom deep awakening," he wrote, "a breaking up of the thick shed that has for decades covered the South; ...

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9. Winning the Peace: Georgia Veterans and the Struggle to Define the Political Legacy of World War II

Jennifer E. Brooks

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pp. 238-267

In traveling around the nation and throughout the European and Pacific theaters during World War II, soldiers from the South encountered cultures, economies, and political ideas beyond the realm of southern tradition. After the war, armed with new exemptions from poll taxes, Georgia soldiers injected a strong dose of uncertainty into state politics.1 ...

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Epilogue: Ugly Roots: Race, Emotion, and the Rise of the Modern Republican Party in Alabama and the South

Glenn Feldman

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pp. 268-310

For almost a century after the Civil War, the Republican Party existed only on the periphery of southern society and its polity. The vast majority of white southerners viewed Republicans with the most intense dislike and suspicion—a revulsion so deep and so abiding that it is impossible to state it too strongly. ...

Notes

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pp. 311-394

Contributors

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pp. 395-398

Index

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pp. 399-430