Cover

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Title Page, Other Works in the Series, Copyright, Dedication

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Contents

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Illustrations

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pp. ix-x

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Preface

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pp. xi-xii

On June 9, 2014, a picture appeared in the Financial Times. Three men and a woman were seated in a rowboat in the middle of a Swedish lake. British prime minister David Cameron sat in the stern, Dutch prime minister Mark Rutte smiled in the bow, Swedish prime minister Fredrik Reinfeldt manned the oars, and German chancellor Angela Merkel sat just forward of Cameron. This staged—and cheesy—photo...

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Acknowledgments

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pp. xiii-xiv

Scholarship is a communal activity. This book could not have been written without a community of friends who shared with us their knowledge, time, labor, and encouragement. We are in their debt, but we take full responsibility for the final product.
This book germinated in Cleveland Fraser’s office at Furman University in the late 1990s. Several eager souls gathered around a computer as it ground through a...

Part I: The Framework

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1. Culture and Integration

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pp. 3-30

Two contrasting visions exist side by side in the European Union. One sees Europe as a single community that has suffered unnatural division and fraternal wars for so long that it will take generations to heal, but heal it shall. And heal it must, for global economic competition and shifting geopolitics demand that Europe face the world united. But a second vision challenges the first, resting on the judgment...

Part II: Confessional Cultures

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2. Common Roots

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pp. 33-66

The idea of a united Europe is an echo from imperial Rome and Carolingian Aachen.1 The notion that all Christendom should be united under one political and religious authority is rooted in the universal claims of Christianity and the Roman imperial ideal. Europe today has a sense of itself because Constantine once ruled Rome as emperor and priest and Charlemagne much later accomplished the...

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3. Reformation and Reaction

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pp. 67-116

One Church, one empire, one chosen people, one way of life—that was the medieval ideal. Latin Christendom never quite lived up to that ideal, but the commonalities of Western culture allowed the Church and temporal rulers to maintain the appearance of unity. The Reformation, however, shattered this visible union, as Protestants and Catholics struggled over theology, political ideas, and...

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4. Political Movements

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pp. 117-146

Modernity, to nineteenth-century Catholics, was foreign and hostile. The triumph of sovereign states over Christendom, the emergence of secular liberal states after the French Revolution, and the growth of democratic forms had all challenged the rights and privileges of the Church. Nineteenth-century Protestants, by contrast, felt far more comfortable in the new Europe of sovereign...

Part III: Constructing a New Europe

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5. Postwar Preparation

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pp. 149-180

Europe in 1945 was ruined but not destroyed.1 The Allies and the Resistance had defeated fascism, but exactly what would emerge in its place was not immediately clear, beyond a commitment to build some form of parliamentary democracy in each country. New political movements would surely appear, but the most likely scenario was for the major prewar political groups to compete again for power. In...

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6. Catholic Construction

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pp. 181-207

On May 9, 1950, exactly five years after the German High Command surrendered in Berlin, French foreign minister Robert Schuman presented a solution to the perplexing “German problem” to a tired and hungry cabinet chaired by Prime Minister Georges Bidault. The plan, developed by Jean Monnet and his team, called for joint management of the coal and steel industries of France, Germany, and possibly...

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7. Protestant Resistance

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pp. 208-258

Great Britain and the Nordic countries did not join integration efforts on the Continent in the 1950s. When some majority Protestant states did join the European Community in the 1970s, they did so tentatively and with reservations. Protestant elites were wary of economic integration with the Six for fear of hardships. But these fears were no greater than the fears of the Catholic political leaders who...

Part IV: Divided Europe

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8. Member States and Elites

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pp. 261-283

The enlarged European Community (EC) of the late 1970s may have been divided in its approach to integration, but it was a remarkably successful organization. The Protestant EU member states did not share their Catholic partners’ passion for “ever-closer union,” but they still had enough community spirit to desire stronger economic and security ties. Did these deep interactions diminish the...

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9. Political Groups

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pp. 284-319

The European Union’s member state behavior and elite attitudes, as we saw in the last chapter, demonstrate the continued influence of confessional culture in contemporary Europe. Other social and economic factors also exert pressure on national decision makers, resulting in a sometimes-less-than-perfect match between confessional culture and member state behavior. But the general postwar pattern...

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10. European Identity

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pp. 320-348

We turn finally to European citizens. From the very beginning, integration theorists knew that citizens would be crucial to the construction of a new supranational identity. National leaders might develop a deep mutual sense of community and regional identity through constant interaction and meaningful exchange. They might even join in a conscious effort to create a “European” identity...

Index

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pp. 349-368