Cover

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Contents

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p. vii

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Preface: Can Intervention Help Women?

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pp. ix-xv

In 2006, at the height of President Putin’s campaign to dominate nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the European Union sponsored a conference on Russian civil society. On the surface, the event seemed woman-friendly, perhaps even feminist. Held in Finland—celebrating its first century of women suffrage and having a critical mass of women parliamentarians ...

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Acknowledgments

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pp. xvii-xviii

For their patient descriptions and explanations, I thank the activists and scholars active in Russia, especially Nataliia Abubikirova, Elisabeth Duban, Gabrielle Fitchett-Akimova, Venera Ibragimova, Irina Khaldeeva, Zoia Khotkina, Marina Malysheva, Mariia Mokhova, Al’bina Pashina, Marina Pisklakova, Larisa Ponarina, Dianne Post, ...

List of Abbreviations

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p. xix

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1. Introduction: Foreign Intervention and Gender Violence

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pp. 1-16

When the Russian borders opened in the early 1990s, the international community responded with an unprecedented torrent of attention to issues such as rape, sexual harassment, domestic violence, and later, trafficking in women. Small grants and then larger grants funded Russian academics to research ...

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2. The Global Feminist Challenge, Communism, and Postcommunism

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pp. 17-41

The consensus among global feminists constructed by the early 1990s issued a challenge to governments around the world. In contrast to this vision of women’s rights as human rights, violence against women had most often been treated as a woman’s individual misfortune that states had no responsibility to address. ...

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3. The Women’s Crisis Center Movement: Funding and De-funding Feminism

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pp. 42-68

Even as the new Russia was inhospitable to global feminism, liberalization and then the collapse of the Soviet regime opened Russia to a variety of global interventions designed to foster women’s mobilization, the first objective of global feminism. Some feminist foreigners and foreign women’s advocacy groups ...

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4. Sexual Assault: The Limits of Blame and Shame

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pp. 69-92

The 1998 publication of Margaret Keck and Kathyrn Sikkink’s Activists beyond Borders affirmed global activists’ hopes that new global norms, such as those that frame gender violence as human rights violations, could have important long-term impact on state behavior. ...

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5. Domestic Violence: The Benefits of Assistance

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pp. 93-118

If global norms and foreign intervention to help monitor, blame, and shame a government for its failure to address gender violence are not sufficient, perhaps more intrusive interventions could promote increased awareness and reform of policy and practice. ...

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6. Trafficking in Women: The Costs of State Pressure

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pp. 119-146

If foreign assistance combined with local and transnational feminist activism made the process of blaming and shaming more effective, perhaps more powerful intervention could be even more helpful in promoting global feminist change. In addition to the positive incentives of grants from large charitable foundations ...

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7. Conclusion: Recommendations for Future Interventions

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pp. 147-159

Over the last two decades, strong states, intergovernmental agencies, and large donors have increasingly justified their interventions as helping women. Their claims are given legitimacy by a new consensus among international women’s activists and human rights advocates that women’s rights are human rights. ...

Appendix 1. Women’s Human Rights and Gender Violence

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pp. 160-166

Appendix 2. Notes on Measurement and Method

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pp. 167-170

Notes

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pp. 171-200

Works Cited

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pp. 201-216

Index

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pp. 217-230

Back cover

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