Cover

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Title Page, About the Series, Copyright, Dedication

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pp. i-vi

Contents

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pp. vii-viii

List of Abbreviations

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pp. ix-x

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Introduction

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pp. 1-18

On a rainy afternoon in May 1957, seventy-two-year-old Abraham Johannes (A. J.) Muste sat down to write his autobiography. Unfortunately, he would never complete the volume, as he was repeatedly interrupted by the pressing work of organizing protests against nuclear testing and aiding the African American civil rights movement...

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1. Calvinism, Class, and the Making of a Modern Radical

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pp. 19-36

Muste was born in January 1885 in Zierikzee, a port town in the province of Zeeland in the Netherlands. Zierikzee, Muste learned later in life, was apparently the Dutch ‘‘equivalent of our Podunk,’’ small, poor, and remote...

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2. Spirituality and Modernity

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pp. 37-64

When Muste graduated from Hope College, he had a choice of attending eitherWestern Theological Seminary in Holland, Michigan, or New Brunswick Theological Seminary in New Jersey. The choice, as Muste understood it at the time, was between the ‘‘restricted life’’ of the Dutch ethnic community and the metropolitan possibilities of the broader United States...

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3. Pragmatism and ''Transcendent Vision''

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pp. 65-96

‘‘It was quite an experience,’’ Muste recalled in his memoirs, to be driven from his pulpit for holding pacifist views, but it was ‘‘nothing’’ compared to the transition from preaching at a Quaker meeting to the leadership ‘‘of a turbulent strike of 30,000 textile workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts.’’...

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4. Muste, Workers' Education, and Labor's Culture War in the 1920s

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pp. 97-125

As Brookwood grew, so did Muste’s stature in the labor movement. By mid-decade, he was firmly established as a central figure within labor’s progressive wing. Among a myriad of other honors and activities, he was called in to advise and mediate strikes, particularly those involving textile workers...

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5. Labor Action

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pp. 126-153

Muste and his comrades in the CPLA ‘‘stood for what was then hailed as ‘practical labor idealism.’ ’’ As Len De Caux observed in his memoir, ‘‘Between the hidebound right and wild left,’’ they ‘‘tried to steer a left-ofcenter course.’’ Hence they criticized the AFL on a deeper and more profound level than its failure to adopt industrial unionism...

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6. Americanizing Marx and Lenin

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pp. 154-178

In its first two years of existence, the Musteite movement represented a range of progressive opinion, including sympathetic labor union officials, militant rank and filers, Socialists, pacifists, and radical Christians. Indeed, it was initially more progressive than revolutionary, with the CPLA’s provisional character giving the movement a flexible and democratic quality.,,

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7. To the Left

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pp. 179-201

Over the course of 1933, Muste and other CPLA leaders made preparations to transform the organization into a revolutionary party. Experience had taught them that the other parties competing for the allegiance of workers and radicals were too consumed by the 1919 split of the Socialist Party and events in the Soviet Union...

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8. Muste and the Origins of Nonviolence in the United States

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pp. 202-229

Over the course of the late 1930s Muste would draw upon his experiences in the labor movement and the secular left, his understanding of the prophetic tradition, and his religious faith to craft a new radical politics based on nonviolence...

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9. Conscience Against the Wartime State and the Bomb

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pp. 230-260

In their opposition to American intervention in World War II, Muste and his fellow pacifists would fail to adequately grapple with the ideological and moral challenges presented by the rise of fascism. Still, their thought had a deeply self-reflexive quality that provided them with an acute sensitivity to the ways in which the United States violated...

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10. Speaking Truth to Power

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pp. 261-288

Unable to persuade the Peacemakers to fully endorse the idea of a third way in opposition to the foreign policies of both the United States and the Soviet Union, Muste supported his young prote´ge´s George Houser and Bill Sutherland when they gave up on trying to change American race relations...

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11. Muste and the Search for a ''Third Way''

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pp. 289-304

Starting around 1960, Muste’s efforts to internationalize the peace movement increasingly focused on involving nationalist leaders in the decolonizing world. He had long harbored hopes that anticolonial movements might serve as the fulcrum for building a nonaligned, ‘‘third way.’’...

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12. The ''American Gandhi'' and Vietnam

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pp. 305-335

Muste’s criticism of Cold War policy in Asia had been long-standing. He observed as early as 1946 that French resistance to Vietnamese selfdetermination did not augur well for the region. With the defeat of France at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, he warned that the American obsession with preventing the spread of Communism would lead it into an unwinnable war....

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Epilogue

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pp. 336-340

Few Americans recognize A. J. Muste’s name today, though his influence can be found in both the dominant culture and its radical and pacifist margins. A mural of Muste by the radical cartoonist and muralist Christopher Cardinale now graces the outer wall of 339 Lafayette Street in New York City...

Notes

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pp. 341-440

Index

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pp. 441-456

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Acknowledgments

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pp. 457-460

Over the years, as I have worked on this book, I have benefited from the extraordinary scholarship of other historians of American political culture. I would especially like to thank Michael Kazin and Doug Rossinow for their generous and careful review of my manuscript...