Cover

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Title Page, Copyright

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pp. i-viii

Contents

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pp. ix-x

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Foreword to the 2012 Edition

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pp. xi-xii

WHEN THE FIRST edition of this book was published, American foreign policy was experiencing one of its most triumphal moments: the recent collapse of the Soviet Union had apparently left the way clear for a new era of liberal internationalism. Not since the end of World War II nearly fifty years earlier had the nation had such an opportunity to pursue one of its major foreign policy priorities: "to make the world safe for democracy," in Woodrow Wilson's words....

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Preface to the 2012 Edition

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pp. xiii-xvi

AS THE FIRST edition of this book was being written between 1989 and 1993, the dust was settling from the cold war and the question on every side was how the United States had won such a historic victory so decisively. My answer was that a key explanation lay in the character of the liberal internationalist framework of American foreign policy after World War ll, a tradition with its roots in the presidency of Woodrow Wilson (1913--21). That is, it was not so much...

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Preface

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pp. xvii-xx

THIS BOOK has a twofold purpose. The first is to recount the history of the various American efforts to foster democracy abroad and to evaluate the results of these attempts in terms of their own ambitions. The second is to ask how American foreign policy has contributed to the surge in the number, strength, and prestige of liberal democratic governments worldwide at the end of the twentieth century....

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Acknowledgments

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pp. xxi-2

WITH ITS many fine universities, the Boston area has been an excellent place to write this book. The libraries are unsurpassed and the Center for European Studies at Harvard University was helpful with the loan of an office. The Twentieth Century Fund was generous in its financial support, and Dean Mary Ella Feinlieb of Tufts University saw that securing release time was no problem....

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Chapter One: The United States and the Global Struggle for Democracy

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pp. 3-34

THIS BOOK explores the origins and the consequences of the central ambition of American foreign policy during the twentieth century: in Woodrow Wilson's words, "to make the world safe for democracy." The book analyzes the origins of the effort to promote democracy abroad in terms of Washington's definition of the American national security; it investigates the consequences of the policies pursued with respect to individual countries...

Part I: Liberal Democratic Internationalism and American Foreign Policy, 1898-1921

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Chapter Two: Democracy in the Philippines

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pp. 37-59

BEFORE 1898, when war with Spain broke out over Cuba, the United States had been reluctant to exercise dominion over foreign peoples. It was wary of being drawn into great power conflicts and unwilling to establish the kind of military institutions that might be a drain on its prosperity and a threat to democratic government. Without foreign entanglements, the country seemed virtually self-sufficient economically, protected from foreign...

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Chapter Three: Wilson and Democracy in Latin America

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pp. 60-83

THE ISSUE of how important it is for the United States to promote democracy abroad has been one of the major questions of twentieth century American foreign policy. From debates over Cuba and the Philippines in the late nineteenth century through the debates over the democratization of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union one hundred years later, Americans have argued the relevance to their own national interest of encouraging...

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Chapter Four: Wilson and a World Safe for Democracy

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pp. 84-110

ALTHOUGH AMERICAN EFFORTS to promote democracy abroad have often focused on a single country (as in the case of the Philippines or the Dominican Republic discussed in earlier chapters), the presidency of Woodrow Wilson had far more ambitious objectives. His policy toward Latin America had been regional in scope, but with the entry of the United States into war against Germany in 1917, his horizon expanded to Europe, and Wilson...

Part II: Liberal Democratic Internationalism, 1933-1947

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Chapter Five: FDR and World Order: Globalizing the Monroe Doctrine

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pp. 113-145

IN THE MONROE DOCTRINE of 1823, the United States gave official notice of its determination to prevent the reimposition of European rule in Latin America once popular forces secured the continent's independence from Spain. In the years 1941-7, the United States gave notice that it intended, in effect, to globalize the Monroe Doctrine in the aftermath of the Axis...

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Chapter Six: Democratizing Japan and Germany

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pp. 146-176

IN LIGHT of the decline of communism at the end of this century, the historical meaning of World War II has begun to assume a new importance. Today we can see more clearly than before that the Second World War not only marked the defeat of fascism as a viable form of political organization; it also opened the possibility of fostering democracy in Germany and Japan. It thereby created the conditions for a liberal world order that could...

Part III: Liberal Democratic Internationalism and the Cold War, 1947-1977

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Chapter Seven: Eisenhower and His Legacy, 1953-1977

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pp. 179-213

GIVEN THE RECORD of American accomplishment in Germany and Japan during the occupation period following World War II, it is tempting to exaggerate the power of Wilsonian ism itself to protect the national interest. If America's earlier ambitions to foster democracy had not worked out terribly well for the Philippines or the Dominican Republic, perhaps these failures could be accounted for by their simple agrarian character and their...

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Chapter Eight: Kennedy's Alliance for Progress, 1961-1965

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pp. 214-236

OF ALL THE NORTH AMERICAN EFFORTS to bring democracy to Latin America, none has ever been even remotely so ambitious as the Alliance for Progress. In the more than 170 years that have passed since the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, only the Kennedy administration (1961-3) proposed to interrelate explicitly the variety of problems plaguing the region-its economic poverty, social inequality, and political oppression-and to insist...

Part IV: Liberal Democratic Internationalism and the Cold War, 1977-1989

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Chapter Nine: Carter's Human Rights Campaign

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pp. 239-265

THE PROMOTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ABROAD has not always been a central concern of American foreign policy. Although Washington officially pledged to defend this cause on December 10, 1948, when the United Nations adopted its Universal Declaration of Human Rights (drafted by a committee headed by Eleanor Roosevelt), it was not until the early 1970s that congressional leaders began actively to translate this statement of purpose...

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Chapter Ten: Reagan's Democratic Revolution

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pp. 266-308

IN NOVEMBER 1989, with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the division of Europe was ended and the cold war was history. Changes in the Soviet Union had led the way. Mikhail Gorbachev became head of that country in 1985. In short order, the impact of his reforms (most of whose consequences were unanticipated) led to the disintegration first of the Soviet empire, then of the Soviet state. Soviet control over more than I 00 million people in Eastern...

Part V: Liberal Internationalism after the Cold War, 1989-2012

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Chapter Eleven: After the Cold War: Wilsonianism Resurgent?

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pp. 311-345

GEORGE BUSH BECAME PRESIDENT at a watershed moment in twentiethcentury history. Like 1918 and 1945, 1989 was a year when the old greatpower order had collapsed and the United States stood preeminent in world affairs. At the conclusion of World War I, Woodrow Wilson had held forth a vision of American national security protected by a peaceful community of democratic nations, engaged in nondiscriminatory trade, and associated...

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Chapter Twelve: From "Fortunate Vagueness" to "Democratic Globalism," 1989-2008

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pp. 346-362

AMERICAN DEMOCRACY PROMOTION has never been disinterested. At times it has effectively camouflaged relatively narrow nationalist, geostrategic, economic, or ethnoreligious concerns deemed important to this country but made more palatable by a veneer of high moralism. Nonetheless, its most fundamental ambition has always been to remain true to its own statement of purpose: to defend the national security of the United States by promoting a type of government...

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Chapter Thirteen: Liberal Internationalism from George W. Bush to Barack Obama

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pp. 363-384

DESPITE THE ENORMOUS confidence during the early years of the presidency of George W. Bush that the American military could spearhead the spread of democracy and economic openness not only in Iraq but throughout "the Broader Middle East," by 2008 any such liberal ambition was in full retreat. On the one hand, the invasion of Iraq had proved to be ruinously costly (although many argued that it was not so much the idea of the war as it was the way the occupation...

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Epilogue: The Irony of American Liberal Internationalism

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pp. 385-390

THE IRONY OF American liberal internationalism by late 2011 was that a framework for policy that had done so much to establish America's preeminence in world affairs between 1945 and 2001 should have contributed so significantly to its decline thereafter. Following 1945, American control over West Germany and Japan had allowed it to transform these two lands politically and economically, integrating them into Washington's orbit in a manner that gave...

Appendix: Notes on the Study of the International Origins of Democracy

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pp. 391-414

Notes

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pp. 415-468

Bibliography

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pp. 469-494

Index

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pp. 495-505