COVER

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Title Page, Series Page, Copyright Page

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CONTENTS

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p. v

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

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pp. vii-viii

ABBREVIATIONS

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pp. ix-xii

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

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pp. xiii-xvi

THERE ARE PERFECT BOOKS and those that actually get published. This work has been written in the latter spirit, viewing itself as the beginning rather than the final word on the many discussions that are being opened up in the following pages. It took me about ten years to gather the sources for this book and finish the manuscript. During this time, I have enjoyed the unwavering support of my family, friends, and colleagues, who have been an integral part of this journey from the very...

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INTRODUCTION

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pp. 1-9

THE ERUPTION OF STUDENT PROTEST in the 1960s was a global phenomenon, the magnitude of which was acknowledged by contemporary observers, enthusiastic supporters, and fierce critics alike. A CIA report on “Restless Youth” from September 1968 stated, “Youthful dissidence, involving students and nonstudents alike, is a world-wide phenomenon. . . . Because of the revolution in communications, the ease of travel, and the evolution of society everywhere, student...

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CHAPTER 1: SDS MEETS SDS

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pp. 10-39

When the 21-year-old German student Michael Vester started his 1961– 62 exchange year at Bowdoin College in Brunswick, Maine, with the support of the Fulbright program, he had no idea that he was to become the earliest mediator of an emerging transnational New Left and, at the same time, take an active role in the creation of one of the most influential manifestos of the American student movement of the 1960s. Vester had been born in 1939...

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CHAPTER 2: BETWEEN BERKELEY AND BERLIN, FRANKFURT AND SAN FRANCISCO: THE NETWORKS AND NEXUS OF TRANSNATIONAL PROTEST

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pp. 40-74

“GERMANY. OH REALLY? We have a sister organization there, also called SDS. We’ll give you the names and you can go and see them over there.”1 This was the information that Douglas Blagdon received in the summer of 1964 when he told the U.S. national Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) office of his plan to spend an academic year inWest Germany. What he did not know at that point was that ever since Michael Vester’s visit in 1961/62 the German and the American SDS had kept in touch and continued to enjoy a loose...

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CHAPTER 3: BUILDING THE SECOND FRONT: THE TRANSATLANTIC ANTIWAR ALLIANCE

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pp. 75-107

When American exchange student and SDS member Ruven Brooks enrolled himself at the University of Freiburg in Germany in the fall of 1966, he was astonished. Having just arrived from the United States and its heated domestic atmosphere, he found that the German political constellation has a rather frightening resemblance to the American: . . . On the left there’s a pacifist element, represented by the Easter Marchers and the Campaign for Disarmament as well as the Marxist-dominated German peace party—about the same axis as SPU [and] SANE....

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CHAPTER 4: BLACK AND RED PANTHERS

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pp. 108-142

“AS I LISTENED to Stokely’s words, cutting like a switch-blade, accusing the enemy as I had never heard him accused before, I admit that I felt the cathartic power of his speech. But I also wanted to know where to go from there.”1 With these words, Angela Davis remembers the speech of one of the leading figures of the Black Power movement in the United States, Stokely Carmichael, during the two-week congress “Dialectics of Liberation” in London in July 1967. For Davis, who later became an icon of the African American...

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CHAPTER 5: THE OTHER ALLIANCE AND THE TRANSATLANTIC PARTNERSHIP

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pp. 143-193

ON MAY 21, 1968, George McGhee left his post as U.S. ambassador to the Federal Republic to take on the job of ambassador-at-large in Washington. Throughout his diplomatic career, McGhee had shown interest in the situation of international youth. When the Department of State formed a “Student Unrest Study Group” to come to terms with the events of the “French May” in mid-1968, McGhee was the natural candidate for the chairmanship. In his first report to President Lyndon B. Johnson on “World Student Unrest...

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CHAPTER 6: STUDENT PROTEST AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

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pp. 194-235

STUDENT PROTEST in the second half of the 1960s did not have an immediate influence on the course of U.S. foreign policy, but the efforts of activists on both sides of the Atlantic did play an important part in its institutional conceptualization. The impact of youthful dissent continued to occupy American policymakers in the Johnson and Nixon administrations, who sought to analyze this worldwide phenomenon most effectively and minimize its damage to U.S. interests. To that end, the role of the Inter-Agency Youth Committee (IAYC),...

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CONCLUSION

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pp. 236-246

IN A 1968 SPEECH on worldwide student unrest, the Executive Secretary of the Inter-Agency Youth Committee, Robert Cross, interpreted the youth of the 1960s as the “first truly international generation.” For Cross, this was not the result of tight organizational networks. In his view, students in many countries shared similar political and philosophical problems and looked to their peers to solve them. This created “a great crossfertilization, a very rapid and effective student grape-vine.” As Cross summed it up, “What happens...

NOTES

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pp. 247-324

SOURCES

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pp. 325-328

INDEX

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pp. 329-346