Cover

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pp. 1-1

Title Page, Copyright

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pp. 2-5

Contents

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pp. v-vi

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Preface

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pp. vii-x

Toronto was founded a decade after the end of the American War of Independence as a colonial outpost to promote settlement and to protect British interests in what was then known as Upper Canada. Over the next century and a half it developed into a modest industrial city, one of a group of manufacturing cities around the Great Lakes ...

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1. Urban Transformations

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pp. 1-11

In the 1960s Toronto was, by almost any measure, a provincial industrial city. Robert Fulford, a Canadian journalist who grew up there in the 1950s, described it as ‘‘a city of silence, a private city, where all the best meals were eaten at home . . . a mute, inward-turned metropolis.’’ ...

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2. Confused Identities

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pp. 12-26

There’s a local urban myth, probably based on a claim by the nineteenth-century Torontonian Henry Scadding, that ‘‘Toronto’’ is the indigenous name of the site where the present city began and that it means ‘‘place of meeting’’ or ‘‘gathering place.’’ ...

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3. Shaping the Old City

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pp. 27-43

When Jane Jacobs’s book The Economy of Cities was published in 1970 she had recently moved to Toronto and was living in a late Victorian neighborhood of streets lined with substantial brick and stone houses within easy walking distance of a busy commercial main street of small stores. ...

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4. The Ascendancy of Metropolitan Toronto

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pp. 44-58

Canada’s entry into World War II in 1939 had an immediate and lasting impact on the shape of the city and on life in Toronto as young men went into service overseas and women took over jobs in manufacturing. Because Toronto was safe from bombing raids the region became a center for producing weapons and munitions that were shipped to Britain by convoys. ...

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5. A Post-suburban Skyscraper City

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pp. 59-76

The American social philosopher William Irwin Thompson suggested in 1971 that ‘‘Toronto is a city at the edge of American history. With its draft dodgers, deserters and émigré academics it is almost Tolkien’s Rivendell.’’ Well, not quite as dreamy perhaps, but it was certainly on the edge of what has been called ‘‘the urban crisis’’ of the 1960s ...

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6. Diversity in the Outer Suburbs

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pp. 77-104

The part of the urban region outside the City of Toronto is often referred to locally as ‘‘the 905,’’ the telephone area code that distinguishes it from the 416 area code of the City. Because the 905 has mostly been built up since the 1970s it is also common to regard everything there as ‘‘the outer suburbs,’’ ...

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7. Polycentricity

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pp. 105-122

Maps that show the ever-expanding built-up area of Toronto imply that the old core of the city is an energy source, a kernel from which it has grown inexorably outward. This might once have been the case, but it is an old truth. According to the geographer Peirce Lewis, the nuclear city that has grown from a single core is a ‘‘pre-automotive urban form,’’ ...

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8. Globally Connected and Locally Divided

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pp. 123-146

Globalization is most often discussed as an economic phenomenon. This is a limited perspective. In Toronto for sure, and presumably everywhere, it is both economic and social. It involves flows of money and goods, and it involves flows of people. ...

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9. Containing Growth

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pp. 147-165

If growth is a measure of success, then in the last fifty years Toronto has been very successful. A relatively small city that was almost stereotypically white, Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant and contained within a single metropolitan municipality has been transformed into a multicultural, polychrome, and polycentric urban region a hundred miles across. ...

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10. A City for Everybody

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pp. 166-174

Toronto has always had difficulty finding its identity. There was the name change to York and back again; then in the late nineteenth century it was nicknamed alternatively Toronto the Good for its moral rectitude and Hogtown for its slaughterhouses. It left Ernest Hemingway, who was a reporter there in the 1920s, at a loss for words: ...

Notes

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pp. 175-198

Index

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pp. 199-206