Cover

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pp. 1-1

Title Page, Other Works in the Series, Copyright, Dedication

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pp. 2-9

Contents

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pp. ix-x

Tables and Figures

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pp. xi-xii

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Preface

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pp. xiii-xvi

The impetus for this book was born on a chilly summer Parisian day in 1975. In the course of a long discussion over lunch at RĂ©camier, Fernand Braudel inquired about my future research. I had been flirting with the idea of applying my just-published theory of nationalism to the history of the French regions of Brittany and Occitania. ...

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I. Introduction

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pp. 1-14

As sociology begins to resemble a congeries of distinct substantive areas, the intellectual coherence that it once possessed has virtually disappeared. That the field has always had its share of dissension is indisputable. Every few years someone publishes a book about the impending crisis in sociology, but these dire warnings routinely fall on deaf ears. ...

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II. The Problem

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pp. 15-39

In order to justify their new discipline, the founders of sociology claimed that the causes of social phenomena were to be found by studying groups rather than individuals.1 They held that neither social order nor social change could be understood adequately on the basis of individualistic assumptions: ...

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III. A Theory of Group Solidarity

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pp. 40-58

Consider the following situation. A large number of tent-dwellers live in an isolated and relatively unpopulated valley. Land is plentiful and free for the taking. Life is good, save for one recurring problem. The tent-dwellers are intermittently victimized by a roving band of outlaws who abscond with their crops and stored food. ...

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IV. The Necessity of Formal Controls

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pp. 59-77

The group solidarity theory suggests that the survival of any group hinges on members' routine and consistent compliance with the rules and obligations governing the production of joint goods. Yet rational members will comply only if they expect that their noncompliance might result in a loss of access to the good. ...

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V. Dependence and Party Solidarity

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pp. 78-103

According to the theory, the extent of solidarity in any group is limited by its members' dependence. Since control is also a cause of solidarity in the theory, how can the separate role of dependence ever be assessed empirically? One solution is to examine measurable instances of solidarity that occur in the relative absence of variations ...

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VI. The Production of Formal Controls

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pp. 104-124

Rational choice theorists have never had any difficulty understanding why formal controls are instituted in hierarchical groups where members are differentially powerful. They know that formal controls exist because it is often in the interests of the powerful to extract rents from those who are dependent upon them. ...

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VII. The Limits of Compensation in Capitalist Firms

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pp. 125-145

That sanctions may motivate compliance is undeniable. But they cannot magically be brought to bear on individual behavior. In order for sanctions to influence behavior, two analytically separate processes have to occur. On the one hand, compliance and noncompliance must be detected. ...

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VIII. Economizing on Control Costs in Intentional Communities

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pp. 146-167

So long as joint production is based on the performance of simple, independent, and largely repetitive tasks, compensation is adequate to provide compliance. When monitoring becomes very costly, however, even firms are likely to resort to solidarity to ensure their survival. ...

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IX. Conclusion

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pp. 168-186

Difficult as it is to analyze, the concept of group solidarity is fundamental to social science. Solidarity varies with the proportion of members' private resources that are contributed to collective ends. Sociologists have always appreciated its significance; for them individual compliance to group norms constitutes the very basis of social order. ...

Bibliography

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pp. 187-210

Index

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pp. 211-219