Frontmatter

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Title Page

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pp. 3-3

Copyright

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pp. 4-4

Contents

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pp. v-vi

About the Author

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pp. vii-viii

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Acknowledgments

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pp. ix-xii

This book is the result of many years of work, during which I acquired numerous debts of gratitude. To begin, I would like to thank the Russell Sage Foundation for its contribution to all the phases of the project, from funding my research to publishing this volume. ...

Part I. Introduction

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pp. 1-2

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1. Immigration and American Society

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pp. 3-21

What does it mean for immigrants to become American? This is an old question in American social science and public discourse that has acquired new importance as immigration has again become a central element of life in the United States. As immigrants incorporate into American society, they undergo social and cultural change. ...

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2. Dominican Providence

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pp. 22-42

Providence has been historically an immigrant city. Irish, Italians, Eastern Europeans, French Canadians, Portuguese, and Cape Verdeans built it and populated its mills during the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century (Conley and Campbell 2006). ...

Part II. Class, Race, and Mobility

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pp. 43-44

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3. In a Land of Opportunities?

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pp. 45-69

Dominicans come to the United States in search of economic opportunities denied them in the Dominican Republic. Dominican immigrants share the mainstream vision of America as a land of opportunity. This chapter examines whether the Dominican experience of socioeconomic incorporation corresponds to this vision of American society. ...

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4. Entering the Mainstream?

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pp. 70-89

The path of incorporation leads through the institutions of mainstream society. One of the key institutions for mobility is the education system. Education is central to high-paying jobs in the American economy. Education provides skills, certifications, and social networks that channel people into different sets of occupations and positions in the class structure. ...

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5. Upward Mobility?

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pp. 90-114

In addressing two questions, this chapter deepens the analysis of the ways in which class and race shape the Dominican experience of incorporation. The first question concerns the patterns of intergenerational class mobility among second-generation Dominicans. ...

Part III. Incorporation and Identity Formation

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pp. 115-116

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6. American Identities

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pp. 117-138

The identities of Dominican immigrants and their children tell us how they see their place in American society and what solidarities they forge in the process of incorporation. Moreover, as the new migration reopens old debates on national identity, cultural diversity, pluralism, and transnationalism, ...

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7. Transnational Identities

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pp. 139-165

Self-identification as Dominican is one of the main identity choices of first- and second-generation Dominicans in Providence. Embracing a strong ethnic identity is one of the elements in the process of incorporation into the American racialized society—a process I call stratified ethnoracial incorporation. ...

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8. Panethnic Identities

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pp. 166-190

Dominicans embrace a panethnic identity. When they are asked in surveys to define their identity, their main answers are variations of panethnicity: Hispanic, Hispano, Hispana, Latino, Latina. These identities, however, are quintessentially American. They are not part of the repertoire of identity choices that immigrants bring with them. ...

Part IV. Conclusion

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pp. 191-192

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9. Becoming American

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pp. 193-204

It is a Sunday afternoon in August and thousands of people are gathered in Roger Williams Park. On the stage, youth groups perform Dominican music and dances as well as contemporary youth music such as reggaeton and hip-hop. Thousands of people sit on the park’s rolling lawn watching the performances. Many wave Dominican flags. ...

Notes

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pp. 205-218

References

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pp. 219-228

Index

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pp. 229-238