Cover

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pp. c-ii

Title Page

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pp. iii-iii

Copyright Page

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pp. iv-iv

Dedication Page

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pp. v-vi

Table of Contents

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pp. vii-viii

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Preface

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pp. ix-xv

The wars in Chechnya of 1994-96, and 1999-present, rank alongside those fought over Bosnia-Herzegovina and Iraq as the most bloody and costly conflicts of the contemporary era. The destructive depth and sustained nature of the violent conflict in Chechnya over the fifteen-year period 1991-2006 make it the most protracted of all the violent post-Soviet con ...

Maps

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pp. xvi-xviii

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1: The Causes of Conflict

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pp. 1-29

There is no a priori reason to assume that ethnic conflict in Chechnya was inevitable or would be more intractable than in other post-communist states or elsewhere in the world. While it is important to give due recognition to historical factors in the conflict, it is equally important to avoid an overly historicist interpretation of the causes of the conflict. In contrast ...

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2: Russia's Refederalization and Chechnya's Secession

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pp. 30-55

The survival of the Russian Federation after the fall of communism is an exceptional case since all the other federal communist states failed to refederalize and collapsed. The Soviet Union dissolved suddenly and chaotically, Czechoslovakia had a peacefully negotiated disassociation, and Yugoslavia was ruptured by civil war. This pattern suggests that the ...

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3: A Secular Nationalist Conflict

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pp. 56-93

A period of over three years elapsed between Dudaev' s seizure of power in Chechnya during the August 1991 coup in Moscow and the Russian military invasion in late December 1994. Because Chechnya was the most recalcitrant of the secessionist republics for the Russian Federation, one would have expected that it would be a priority to resolve this problem ...

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4: Dual Radicalization: The Making of Jihad

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pp. 94-127

Conflicts that become protracted are generally associated with the polarization of opinions and radicalization of protagonists. Prolonged conflicts create openings and opportunities for new actors, new forces, and new ideas to come to the fore in the struggle. The renewal of conflict between Russia and Chechnya in late 1999 is often attributed, especially by Russia, ...

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5: Chechnya and the Meaning of Terrorism

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pp. 128-161

Previous studies of the international aspects of the wars in Chechnya have tended to focus on how Russian foreign policy has managed the conflict internationally.1 The determinants of the foreign policies of other states and the decisions of international organizations on the question of Chechnya are a much-neglected field of study. It is not the case that there were no ...

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6: Chechnya and the Study of Conflict

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pp. 162-197

Are the post-communist states particularly prone to national and ethnic conflict? Is there something specifically structural or cultural about the bloody conflicts that have followed the collapse of communism? Comparative studies of conflict by Gurr and others have identified a global resurgence of nationalism and ethnic conflict in the second half of the ...

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7: Conclusion

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pp. 198-208

In his comparative study of state expansion and contraction, Ian Lustick observed that what "distinguishes a dominance relationship over a region 'inside' the state from a dominance relationship over a region 'outside' the state is the presence of a well-institutionalized belief within the dominant core that the region under consideration is immutably bound to it."1 ...

Appendixes

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pp. 209-212

Notes

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pp. 213-250

Bibliography

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pp. 251-268

Index

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pp. 269-276

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Acknowledgments

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pp. 277-279

This book has been in germination for about a decade. Some time in the late 1990s I was struck by the fact that the burgeoning literature on Chechnya, much of it produced by journalists who had reported the first war, tended toward two explanations for the conflict. The first was a form of historicism, emphasizing the historical roots of the contemporary conflict ...