Cover

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Frontmatter

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Contents

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pp. 1-9

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

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pp. ix-xi

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INTRODUCTION: Movements,Marginalization, and Representation

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pp. 1-29

In the aftermath of the 1999 “Battle in Seattle,” when more than 50,000 people gathered in Seattle to protest globalization and the World Trade Organization (WTO), protesters claimed success in representing the marginalized and dis-enfranchised of the world. Indeed, activists of all stripes see themselves as “representatives,” giving voice to perspectives that would otherwise be excluded.1...

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CHAPTER 1: Representing Women in Democratic Policy Processes

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pp. 30-56

In this chapter, I seek to substantiate two key claims in the argument that social movement can represent marginalized groups. First, women’s movements in›uence policy processes in signi‹cant ways. Second, in determining policy outcomes, this in›uence is at least as important (and in some cases more important) as the number of the women in the legislature, and therefore we ought to be examining...

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CHAPTER 2: Social Movements, Representation, and Family Policy

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pp. 57-81

In the last chapter, we saw that women’s movements were important for explaining policy outcomes on violence against women and that numbers or proportion of women in government did not seem to explain the very different degree of government responsiveness to this important issue across countries....

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CHAPTER 3: Intersectionality, Labor, and Representation in the 50 U.S. States

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pp. 82-108

Are labor movements good representatives of working women? The analyses presented in the last chapter suggest that they are, but labor movements have often been criticized as being poor representatives of women’s interests. Recall that union opposition was critical to defeating policy proposals in Norway that were aimed at comparable worth, even as the same unions eventually supported...

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CHAPTER 4: Inclusion, Identity, and Women's Movements: State Policies on Violence against Women of Color

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pp. 109-128

Are group-specific movements necessary to the representation of particular marginalized groups? So far, the answer seems to be yes: labor movements are not as effective as advocates of women’s labor interests (at least when they require challenging gender hierarchies) as are women’s movements. It seems that more...

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CHAPTER 5: Women’s Movements, Representation, and Civil Society

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pp. 129-148

How well do women’s organizations represent women? So far in this book, I have joined others in arguing that civil society offers an important avenue for democratic representation, especially for marginalized groups such as women (Warren 2001; Strolovitch 2006; Skocpol 2003; Goodin 2003). I have shown that...

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CHAPTER 6: The Advocacy State

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pp. 149-170

Do social movements offer a pathway to a more inclusive democracy or toward a more polarized, fragmented, elite-dominated polity? In this conclusion, I argue that social movements do more to deepen democracy than to divide democratic publics. Indeed, under some conditions, states ought to actively support the development of social movements as a way of creating a more inclusive...

APPENDIX

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pp. 171-180

NOTES

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pp. 181-193

REFERENCES

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pp. 195-222

INDEX

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pp. 223-231