Cover

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Title Page, Copyright

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Contents

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p. vii

About the Author

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pp. ix-x

Preface

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pp. xi-xiv

Acknowledgments

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p. xv

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Chapter 1 Globalization and Migration Networks

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pp. 1-22

UNTIL RECENTLY, globalization theorists claimed that Third World immigration to the world’s large cities was simply a product of the changing income structure in the countries receiving those immigrants, especially in the largest cities.1 This change in income distribution had produced a large and growing effective demand for...

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Chapter 2 Regional Dispersion of Mexicans

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pp. 23-47

MIGRATION NETWORKS connect immigrants abroad with friends, neighbors, and relatives at home. When favorable information about a destination reaches them, the friends, neighbors and relatives acquire both the desire and the ability to migrate. The desire comes when migrants abroad point out the advantages that migration has afforded...

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Chapter 3 Is Migration Still Demand-Driven?

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pp. 48-59

IN THE BROADEST sense, globalization refers to all processes that incorporate the peoples of the world into a single society.1 These processes are economic, cultural, and political. However, in the narrower economic sense used here, globalization means movement toward a globally...

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Chapter 4 Hard Times in the Barrios

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pp. 60-80

LOS ANGELES had undergone thirty-five years of well-documented globalization by 2000. Global restructuring created the Pacific Rim trading area, of which Los Angeles became the second-ranking city behind Tokyo. During this transition, manufacturing industry left...

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Chapter 5 How the Garment Industry Expanded

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pp. 81-95

GLOBALIZATION HAD many economic effects on Latinos in Los Angeles between 1970 and 2000. Expansion of employment buffers in the face of network-driven migration from Mexico and Central America was one of these. Although associated with declining economic welfare...

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Chapter 6 Why the Garment Industry Contracted

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pp. 96-112

IN 1924 LOSANGELES was only the fourth largest garment-manufacturing center in the United States.1 New York City was still the nation’s capital in the industry, and remained so until the 1980s, when Los Angeles finally passed it.2 Of course, the inter-city balance had begun to tip before 1980. After 1970, extensive immigration from Asia and Latin America began....

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Chapter 7 Asian Place Entrepreneurs

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pp. 113-128

ALL IMMIGRANTS are not the same. In the late twentieth century era of globalization, the United States attracted two divergent streams of immigration. One was a demand-driven stream of highly skilled Asians, Europeans, Middle Easterners, and Latin Americans. These immigrants started business firms or took well-paid jobs in growth...

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Chapter 8 Deflecting Latinos from Suburbs

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pp. 129-149

UNLIKEASIAN immigrants, working-class Latinos did not have homeland banks, coethnic entrepreneurs, and Mexico-based international real estate developers to prearrange the housing they would need in Los Angeles.1 Instead, Latinos crashed into the housing status quo with no resources except their willingness to overpay and overcrowd...

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Chapter 9 Racism or Poverty Intolerance?

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pp. 150-156

EXPLAINING THE deflection of Latino immigration from Los Angeles, and (by inference) from other traditional destinations, on the basis of intolerance to poverty, these chapters have ignored racism and ethno-racial prejudice. Yet these two factors might plausibly explain why California, Los Angeles, and various suburban municipalities enforced...

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Chapter 10 Sequential Absorption and Deflection

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pp. 157-171

WHEN PROTRACTED over decades, the routine operation of migration networks drives immigrants’ wages in high traffic destinations down and their housing costs up. For this reason, the economic welfare of Mexican immigrants gradually declined in Los Angeles relative to low-traffic destinations. The bad news filtered back to...

Appendix

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pp. 172-174

Notes

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pp. 175-204

References

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pp. 205-232

Index

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pp. 233-246