In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:
  • An Unseen Light: Black Struggles for Freedom in Memphis, Tennessee ed. by Aram Goudsouzian and Charles W. McKinney Jr
  • Jonathan Chism
An Unseen Light: Black Struggles for Freedom in Memphis, Tennessee. Edited by Aram Goudsouzian and Charles W. McKinney Jr. Civil Rights and the Struggle for Black Equality in the Twentieth Century. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2018. Pp. [viii], 414. $45.00, ISBN 9780-8131-7551-5.)

Published fifty years after Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s assassination in Memphis in 1968, this timely work provokes contemporary reflection on the ongoing freedom struggle. It includes contributions from scholars from multiple disciplines who have studied different aspects of the Memphis struggle. The editors begin with a discussion of Richard Wright, the notable black Harlem Renaissance author, who grew up in Memphis but moved to Chicago to escape racism. While Wright mentioned his dark encounters with racist white people in his literature, he failed to take note of the "lights" in Memphis (p. 3). This essay collection sheds light on black Memphians' pursuits of equality, through their establishment of thriving black churches, businesses, and civil rights organizations as well as their popular artistic productions. Chronologically arranged, the chapters trace significant moments and figures in the long freedom struggle from the Reconstruction period to the present.

Many of the early chapters discuss black Memphians' experiences with and responses to racial oppression during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For example, Brian D. Page examines the Memphis Massacre of 1866, which occurred after white Memphis police officers assaulted black Union army veterans and sparked a riot in South Memphis during which forty-six black people died and multiple black women were victims of sexual assault. After the massacre, many of the new black migrants who came to Memphis decided that cooperating with the white Memphis establishment was the safest way to gain autonomy to establish strong black institutions such as churches and businesses. Elton H. Weaver III investigates the burning of the National Tabernacle of the Church of God in Christ (COGIC) on December 8, 1936. COGIC was the largest black Pentecostal denomination in Memphis and in the United States. While city officials concluded the fire was accidental, Weaver contends that white arsonists likely caused the fire. First, they despised that the denomination's founder, Charles [End Page 229] Harrison Mason, promoted interracial fellowship. Then, just two days before the building burned, James Delk, a white COGIC minister, openly preached against segregation on the Memphis radio. Another important event in early-twentieth-century Memphis, discussed by Darius Young, was the lynching of Ell Persons, a black woodcutter unjustly executed for the murder of a white Memphis teenager. The lynching ignited prominent black Memphis leaders such as Robert Church Jr. to embrace protest activism. It was a precursor to the formation of the Memphis branch of the NAACP, which played instrumental roles in the black freedom struggle in Memphis throughout the twentieth century.

The book also examines the Memphis struggle during the years of the modern civil rights era of the 1950s and 1960s. Aram Goudsouzian stresses the centrality of Memphis to James Meredith's March against Fear in 1966, a major milestone in the national struggle, as Black Power became a popular slogan during the march. While most of the twenty-two-day march took place in Mississippi, the march began in Memphis, the headquarters was at Memphis's Centenary Methodist Church, and the Memphis NAACP played a strong organizing role. Setting the Memphis sanitation strike of 1968 in the context of President Lyndon B. Johnson's War on Poverty, Anthony C. Siracusa argues that the FBI's COINTELPRO strategized to divide and destroy the unity of black ministerial and Black Power activists fighting together against poverty during the late 1960s. Although the media blamed disputes between nonviolence advocates and Black Power leaders for the breakdown that occurred on March 28, 1968, during a demonstration led by King, which culminated in violence against Black Power youth, Siracusa offers evidence suggesting an FBI informant, James Elmore Phillips, was primarily responsible for the disruption and ultimate division that followed.

The book emphasizes that the Memphis struggle continued after the 1968 sanitation strike...


Additional Information

Print ISSN
pp. 229-231
Launched on MUSE
Open Access
Back To Top

This website uses cookies to ensure you get the best experience on our website. Without cookies your experience may not be seamless.