In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Call to Action
  • Michele Tracy Berger (bio)

Inquiry into Black women’s health has never fit easily into a sole academic discipline, nor has this intellectual terrain only belonged to scholars. It is a line of study that early on utilized a mix of feminist, Black feminist, womanist, and intersectional approaches. My call to action encourages us to move this paradigm-shifting work forward by strategically building networks inside the academy, engaging communities outside of the academy, and being mindful of our own health.

A reminder of the history that has contributed to this volume’s rich and multifaceted body of inquiry is useful. Self-identified Black feminist theorists, activists, and journalists pioneered critical inquiry about African American women’s health (see Davis 1983; Lorde 1984; White 1994). Early work sought to identify the legacy of slavery, segregation, sexism, and classism as defining components of Black women’s experiences of health. This early work also made visible and championed on-the-ground health activism by Black women. This visibility engaged audiences inside and outside the academy and garnered press coverage. The pioneering work of Byllye Avery, founder of the Black Women’s Health Project, is a well-known example. Her organization connected many African American women to a pipeline of support, information, and collective empowerment.

Simultaneous with the interest in understanding the impact of slavery and Jim Crow on Black women’s health was the explosion of multiracial feminist activism and writing during the 1980s (see hooks 1981see hooks 1984; Lorde 1984; Moraga and Anzaldúa 1981; Mohanty 1984). Multiracial feminists [End Page 416] have often identified themselves under the rubric of “women of color” as a political, strategic, and subjective identity. They have raised public awareness on health issues that mainstream feminists have ignored, including reproductive rights, sterilization abuse, and sexual and domestic violence (Berger and Bettez 2016).

Many of the authors in this issue draw on an intersectional framework. This is the legacy of scholarly work articulated in the 1980s (though its origins are much older), often drawing on activist insights (see Berger and Guidroz 2009). Scholars advanced the concept of “race, class, and gender” as an interlocking site of oppression in multiple ways: to create theory, as an analytical tool, or as a methodological practice (Berger 2004). Intersectionality’s range of “critical practices” that can include self-reflectivity, employing both/and thinking, embracing the “complexity of subjectivity,” and recognizing lived experience as important to building theory have encouraged a dynamic rethinking of macro and micro influences on Black women’s health (May 2012).

In my own work, I have found intersectional analyses fundamental to examining stigma directed toward marginalized HIV-positive women of color activists and understanding the silences and challenges of African American mother-daughter communication about health, wellness, and sexuality. Intersectionality as an analytical tool enables me to pay attention to how unmarked categories of health, gender, and power are contributing to the lived experiences of African American women and girls. For example, the discourse on healthy exercise is often presented in a way that suggests equal access (to gyms and workout facilities; in schools, workplaces, or homes) and individual responsibility. Bringing an intersectional approach that examines critically how this formulation assumes a class advantage and ignores other possible barriers (e.g., being a minority in a gym) puts into context some of the mothers’ in my study (and to some degree daughters’) challenges in trying to be “fit.” It makes visible how dominant unmarked categories shape individual and group experiences. This intersectional work calls attention to African American women and girls’ health narratives not just as a “special kind of difference” (than, for example, white women and girls), but also as a way to interrogate the structural (and discursive) social organizing principles that shape Black women and girls’ health practices (see Choo and Ferree 2010). [End Page 417]

How Can We Accelerate This Robust Inquiry into Black Women’s Health?

Build Networks Inside the Academy

We must be strategic in advancing this work. We can’t do this work alone. It is seismic in nature and needs support. Scholars (particularly junior scholars) undertaking this work may face unanticipated challenges. It...

pdf

Share